‘Holy Smoke’

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Cults, Courage and ‘Holy Smoke’–a conversation with Jonestown survivor Deborah Layton

Writer David Templeton takes interesting people to interesting movies in his ongoing quest for the ultimate post-film conversation. This is not a movie review; rather, it’s a freewheeling discussion of life, alternative ideas, and popular culture.

“I don’t consider myself a cult expert. I don’t want to be a cult expert,” says Deborah Layton over a cup of hot tea, about 30 minutes after watching the powerful Jane Campion cult-drama Holy Smoke. “I only know what my own experiences were, and from my own experiences I can say what I think the dangers are. But that’s it.”

Of course, Layton has plenty of experience to draw on. As a member of People’s Temple leader Jim Jones’ “Inner Circle,” the Piedmont resident saw the charismatic preacher rise from small-town minister to powerful political leader to self-described “revolutionary”–and finally, inside the guarded walls of Guyana’s Jonestown–to maniacal mass murderer.

Layton escaped Jonestown just a few months before Jones’ tragic final act, on November 18, 1978. Sparked by the arrival of a team of reporters, led by Senator Leo Ryan–who had been alerted to the accelerating cruelty and madness at Jonestown through Layton’s reports –Jones ordered the murder of Ryan, and all 913 of his followers, over 200 of them children. Some committed suicide, using punch laced with cyanide; most were shot to death. Ryan and three journalists were killed. Jones himself was shot in the head by a follower, who then took her own life.

All of this is referenced, though briefly, in Holy Smoke.

Starring Kate Winslet and Harvey Keitel, the odd, thought-provoking film is about a confrontation between Ruth, a young Australian woman (Winslet) who is kidnapped by her family after being drawn into a mysterious religious group in India, a suspected cult group that vaguely resembles the followers of the late Bagwhan Shree Rajneesh. Back in Australia, Ruth is isolated in a remote cabin in the desert, left alone with a cocky cult-expert and “exit counselor” P.J. Waters (Keitel), who attempts to systematically break her attachment to her newfound “faith.” What transpires is a roller coaster of mind games and sexual power plays, as Ruth decides to try and beat the deprogrammer at his own game.

Though troubled by the mysterious, ambiguous ending–“It was a little out there,” Layton concludes–my guest enjoyed the film, respecting the director’s decision to tell the story through Ruth’s eyes. Though clearly young and easily swayed, she is far from the wild-eyed, foaming, Manson-esque cult-members we usually see in films about cults.

“People are always surprised at how normal I seem,” says a smiling Layton. “When I talk to people, when I do book readings or radio interviews, I always want to remind people that nobody joins a cult. They join a self-help group, or a religious organization, or a political action group. I think it’s easy to say, ‘Oh, I’d never join a cult.’ Of course you wouldn’t. Because you don’t know you’re joining one. You think you’re doing something else.”

Layton herself was 17 when she first met Jones. Swayed by his talk of making a better world, she eventually persuaded her brother Larry and mother Lisa (herself a survivor of Nazi Germany) to join as well. Lisa died of cancer, a few days before the massacre. Larry, who wounded two defecting members during the final confrontation, is currently in prison, the only Peoples Temple member to be sentenced for his part in those events.

Layton, who changed her name and essentially went underground after Jonestown, now tells her family’s story with remarkable candor and insight in her compelling, bravely revealing book Seductive Poison: a Jonestown Survivor’s Story of Life and Death in the Peoples Temple (Anchor Books, 1998).

While watching Holy Smoke this afternoon, she was unexpectedly thrown back to Guyana, during a scene where P.J. forces Ruth to watch videos about cults, including shots of Jim Jones and Jonestown after the massacre.

“No wonder Ruth gets up to leave the room during the cult videos,” says Layton, cradling her teacup. “They showed all the bodies at Waco and Jonestown and Heaven’s Gate, but she could never have identified with that, because they were only showing her the end result.

“If you look at the end result of Hitler’s Germany, of course it was bad. But it’s more profound and frightening to go back to the beginning, and take look at how it started. What was it that enamored people? What was it that they liked about that movement? What was charismatic about that person, what spoke to them? What trapped them? That’s far more frightening. Because then you’re allowing the person to understand how they too, in different circumstances, could find themselves entrapped.

“In writing my book, I wanted people to understand how it is that someone can become entrapped. That this is something that can happen to you or your loved ones.”

In Holy Smoke Ruth shows unexpected strength and courage. Layton, however, is uncomfortable when her own actions are praised as having been courageous.

“I don’t think any of us who left our friends and families behind, would in any way think of ourselves as courageous,” she says. “My mother was courageous. She spoke up. In Jonestown, she defended this one black woman, who’d made her this wonderful marmalade. [Jones castigated the woman in public for wasting resources on such an ‘extravagance.’] My mother stood up and defended her, and took Jim’s anger on herself–but I was too afraid to stand up to protect her.

“It’s a very dark thing to carry inside you. Knowing that the best of us, the ones that did speak up and speak out, were the first to die,” she says. “It doesn’t feel so courageous to have gotten out and then told the world afterwards.”

As for Holy Smoke, Layton is glad it was made, if for no other reason than its demonstration of what not to do when a loved one joins a cult.

“When you join one of these groups,” she says, “it’s a gradual isolation from the rest of the world, from society. And as a family member, you’re on the outside, and if you call them a cult member, they will shut you further out.

Instead she recommends a simpler solution.

“Remind them you love them, whether they are in this organization or not,” says Layton. “Make sure they know you’ll still love them whenever they’re ready to come back home.”

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Spins

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Five Spot

New alt-pop, trip-hop, alt-country CDs

Supreme Beings of Leisure Supreme Beings of Leisure Palm Pictures

The Baby Namboos Ancoats2zambia Palm Pictures

TWO NEW RELEASES from Palm Pictures reveal a split in British dance pop. The self-titled debut from Supreme Beings of Leisure is techno-retro world-lounge-pop, while the Baby Namboos’ debut, Ancoats2zambia, is classic dark and brooding Bristol trip-hop. The model for both is steamy, steady beats and sonic twists offset by languorous female vocals. S.B. of L. lean largely on popular drum ‘n’ bass grooves, which they punctuate with flutes, strings, and Eastern melodicism. They’re more pop-savvy Berlin than edgy Breakbeat Era, as they follow their one purely trip-hop cut with a blast of house-heavy disco. Conversely, the Baby Namboos follow their one crisp drum ‘n’ bass track with two strange and wildly different remixes of the title track. Trip-hop meister Tricky is an active collaborator, so the Baby Namboos are naturally haunted and brittle. Each disc has its place: S.B. of L. booming on a huge and shiny dance floor, the Baby Namboos moaning when you’re alone after midnight wondering what the hell to do. Karl Byrn

Julie Miller Broken Things HighTone

WARM, INVITING, earthy, innocent, and sweetly enchanting, Miller’s distinctive voice is suggestive of a folkier, bluesier Cyndi Lauper. Broken Things, the singer-songwriter’s sixth album, features poignant, stirring lyrics and an overall theme of heartbreak. Broken Things includes cameos by notables Patty Griffin, Steve Earle, and Victoria Williams; silvery songbird Emmylou Harris (who has recorded several of Miller’s tracks) even joins Miller on the impassioned dirge “Two Soldiers.” Miller’s “Ride the Wind” is a spirited love song, and “I Need You” (“I need something like morphine only better/ I need something like a kiss that lasts forever”) is an edgy rocker. Then there’s the haunting, sorrowful cello on the aching “I Still Cry.” Miller may never become a household name, but this album is absolutely exquisite. Sarah Quelland

The Walkabouts Trail of Stars Glitterhouse

COMPARISONS to Portishead are inevitable, and this little-known Seattle band is certainly haunting and elegiac. Tales of poisoned love dominate these 11 tracks. Virtually unknown in the States, the Walkabouts have sold more than 100,000 CDs in Europe, thanks to two releases on the Virgin U.K. label. Still, you may already know the dark romanticism of singer-songwriters Chris Eckman and Carla Torgeson through their work with the Tindersticks. The rest of the current lineup includes keyboardist Glenn Slater, drummer Terri Moeller, and former John Zorn bassist Fred Chalenor. Producer Phil Brown (who is responsible for Talk Talk’s classic Spirit of Eden) provided a huge influence. A minimalist return after 1996’s orchestral Devil’s Road (recorded with the Warsaw Philharmonic) and 1997’s string-driven Nighttown. Greg Cahill

Bell Book & Candle Read My Sign Turbo Beat/Atlantic

IT’S TAKEN 13 years for this Berlin pop band to get its break in the States, but this debut album already is drawing critical acclaim. Billboard editor-in-chief Timothy White recently opined that the CD “is one of the finest pop releases from Europe in years.” The first single, “Rescue Me (Let Your Amazement Grow),” is in rotation on KRSH (98.7FM). Raven-haired singer Jana Gross draws comparisons to Cranberries vocalist Dolores O’Riordan, though Gross’ keening vocals are far less affected. But don’t brush Bell Book & Candle off as just another Euro-pop band–this outfit often echoes the pioneering electronica of Tangerine Dream and can deliver haunting alt-pop reminiscent of the best 4AD bands. G.C.

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

‘Blame It on the Movies’

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‘Blame It on the Movies’ offers uneven revue of Hollywood’s hits

By Daedalus Howell

DREAMWEAVERS Theatre of Napa’s season opener, Blame It on the Movies, is a blameless, shameless, and ultimately brainless romp through Hollywood’s songbook that, owing to the sheer moxie of its performers, declares, “No one is going to rain on my hit parade!”

A hasty pastiche of songs from the silver screen spanning the history of cinema (conceived by Ron Abel, Billy Barnes, and David Galligan from an original idea by Franklin R. Levy), the show features an enthusiastic (if uneven) brood of seven chorusers caught in the twilight zone between a bona fide song-and-dance revue and a community talent show.

Comprised of nearly 70 songs (one can only imagine the licensing nightmare this production brings with it), the show includes such first-act chestnuts as Casablanca‘s “As Time Goes By,” as well as “April Love” and “An Affair to Remember” (from movies of the same titles). The second act confirms that cinematic songwriting peaked just before the ’60s, when it showcases such campy ditties as “The Blazing Saddles Theme,” “Goldfinger,” “What’s New, Pussycat?” and “Chitty Chitty Bang Bang.” Imagine the AFI 100 confined to a jukebox and less 77–most of the numbers are sugary, forgotten relics only occasionally framing a timeless gem.

Throughout, director Howard flirts with the notion of mixed media by including a number of projected video clips from the films whose soundtracks make up the bill. The danger in this is that the movies are often more compelling than the onstage players. It’s like when some gangly, sexually ambivalent teenager flails about in front of the Rocky Horror Picture Show and you just want to holler, “Hey, you in the fishnets, vamoose!”

But then, this show is about the music, not the spectacle. The song list notwithstanding, many of the performers shine in their solo performances, and they all benefit from pianist Ellen Patterson’s fine accompaniment.

YOUNG SONGSTRESS Brooke Aved does a fine turn with the humorous “I Get the Neck of the Chicken” from 1942’s Seven Days’ Leave. Sung from the perspective of a young woman used to life’s leftovers, the tune includes the clever lyric “That’s how they give me the bird” and other allusions that conjure up the banter found in contemporary locker rooms. Aved later steals the show with her haunting rendition of the title track from The Town Without Pity.

Crooner John Kelley time and again proves that he truly has golden tonsils and seems to make a conscientious effort not to overshadow the other performers, especially his young sidekick Samuel Palmer, with whom he shares the show’s regrettably brief Road to Morocco sequence–a sort of paean to the road movies of Bing Crosby and Bob Hope.

Palmer does well vamping Jerry Lewis’ shtick in one of the show’s many obtuse segues when he plays a pratfalling usher besieged by a sexually aggressive redhead.

Indeed, this show has more hams than a smokehouse on Easter, but then that’s the beauty of it–there’s a lot of room for broad performing, and the cast clearly enjoys dishing it out.

Though Blame It on the Movies is not pitch-perfect entertainment, you will leave humming a tune. At the very least, this production succeeds as an act of musical preservation, which is surely to be applauded, albeit sometimes with only one hand.

Dreamweavers Theatre’s production of ‘Blame it on the Movies’ plays Friday and Saturday, Feb. 25 and 26, at 8 p.m., and on Sunday, Feb. 27, at 2 p.m. at the Uptown Cinemas, 1350 Third St., Napa. Tickets are $15. For details, call 255-5483.

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Patrick Warner

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Dry run: Local promoter and sound engineer Patrick Warner thinks a new alcohol-free club would solve the problem of Sonoma County’s contracting music scene. But can anyone keep an alt-music venue running smoothly in Santa Rosa?

Mosh Master

Local promoter plans new all-ages music club

By Karl Byrn

A DECADE AGO, aspiring punks and headbangers dreamed of playing their first gig at the rocking Railroad Square nightclub Magnolia’s. Now that former hot spot is a kitchenware store. In the downtown Santa Rosa area, many other local music clubs–the Studio Kafe, Cafe This, Santa Rosa Brewing Co., Masses, and the Moonlight–have also gone silent.

The Old Vic on Fourth Street seems like the only one that can last.

These ups and downs of the music scene come as no surprise to Patrick Warner. The 31-year-old music promoter and sound engineer knows that sustaining local music is hard work.

For four years now, his company, Aurora Sound Presents, has provided the North Bay scene with such “musician and event services” as booking, promotions, and equipment rentals. In that time, Warner has seen a lot of venues come and go–especially go.

But now Warner thinks he has a simple solution to the problem of the disappearing nightclubs. The answer: Don’t open a music venue as a nightclub. With that philosophy in mind, he is crafting an ambitious plan to open a building or large room as an all-ages-friendly event center and a place for local bands to rehearse and stage shows.

“One of the steps I’m trying is to eliminate the alcohol,” Warner says. “I’m really scared of it being labeled a ‘nightclub.’ I think that label brings along a lot of heartache.”

Warner has been scouting for sites and now has two strong possibilities: a storefront next to a bowling alley on Sebastopol Road and an old grocery store on Petaluma Road. The venue could open as early as this spring.

Musicians, Warner says, “need a refuge to protect and shield them from distractions like police and downtown bureaucracy.” Those common nightclub heartaches are something he has witnessed firsthand as a booker who had two clubs drop away beneath him.

For almost two years, Aurora Sound Presents booked hardcore and alternative bands on weekends at the Moonlight on Fourth Street in Santa Rosa. Warner also took over booking responsibilities in Sebastopol during the waning weekends of Marty’s Top of the Hill, a former country bar that converted to alternative music shows for several months before closing this January.

At the Moonlight–which now operates as a restaurant and bar without live music–Warner witnessed landlord and police pressures to first cut out hardcore bands and then eliminate music altogether. In this case, Warner feels the bands clearly lost a battle of “property owners vs. disrespectability . . . in downtown.”

“[The members of the City Council] have grape values,” he says. “If it isn’t wine, it doesn’t count. They want tourism, not teenagers.”

Hardcore bands took the blame for an incident at the Moonlight last April when a patron cut his elbow in a mosh pit, but Warner claims he was ignored when he asked security to monitor the area. He also notes that “there were more fights on a pool night or when a blues band played [than on hardcore nights].”

But by Warner’s own admission, the roadblocks to a consistent live scene aren’t just club owners or hostile downtown neighbors. The bands themselves sometimes “need help breathing” and “to keep a fire lit.”

Though Warner originally started Aurora Sound as a recording label for his own metal band Daytura, he quickly saw that Daytura’s survival meant expanding his new company’s reach into booking and marketing.

“There was never any coordination,” he remembers. “You’d be booked for a show, but no one knew who was playing or who went on at what time.”

He soon took charge of booking package shows with compatible bands like the Heat Creeps.

“I’d try to put together a good combination that would draw attention,” he says. “You always want to put your band in a position that looks good, so you can maybe catch hold of a few more people for your fanbase.”

Eventually, bands and club owners came knocking. Aurora Sound Presents and Hedgehog Productions teamed up to co-produce Slamfest 2000, which brought eight metal bands from around the Bay Area to play before a crowd of 200 last January at Club Rumors. A second Slamfest is now scheduled for April 27 at Rumors.

But much of Warner’s energy these days goes to selecting a site and securing sponsorships and permits for the venue he hopes to open. The facility would feature Aurora Sound’s equipment as the house sound system, which bands could rent for performances, rehearsals, or social events.

BECAUSE the space will be open to underage rockers, Warner wants to encourage parents’ involvement. “I want to make the community more responsive and accepting of the idea of a teen center,” he says, noting that clubs like the Inn of the Beginning and the Phoenix Theatre have staying power because they’re willing to do all-ages shows.

“Teens can have a place to go and have sound equipment available, an affordable place to rehearse,” he says. “Parents that help have to know it’s a safe place.”

Warner’s vision of a musical event center is part labor of love, part business decision: “Being a musician, I know what the hitches are,” he explains. He wants to contribute to the local scene, but he also has to stay in the black, so bands renting the center would need to put down a deposit.

Still, the question of money aside, Aurora Sound would be offering Sonoma County bands something they badly need–a venue of their own.

“Every time someone puts up money for a teen center, it becomes a senior center,” Warner says. “But not a whole lot of people look at it from the musician’s point of view.”

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Les Ballets Trockadero

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Men in Tights

Les Ballets Trockadero are more than fluffy skirts and nice legs

By Marina Wolf

WHEN LES BALLETS Trockadero de Monte Carlo first tottered out onstage in 1974, funny men in dresses were still novel enough to bring in the crowds. But a dance company needs something else to keep selling tickets for 26 years. And for the dance-savvy audiences who come to the all-male classical ballet, the technical prowess and pointe work are what usually draws the applause.

Long the province of lithe young women, dancing en pointe–on the very ends of the toes–is meant to convey airborne grace, creating an elongated line that draws the eye ever upward. Muscular, masculine legs and big feet look altogether different en pointe, and there’s not a lot of institutional support for men in toe shoes. But they belong in them just as much as any ballerina, says longtime artistic director Tory Dobrin.

“There’s no [anatomical] reason why a man can’t dance en pointe,” he says. “God gave everyone the feet they need to support their own weight.”

Collectively, the 15 dancers of Les Ballets Trockadero–all men, all professionally trained–have the feet needed to support the weight of the classical ballet repertory, and to lift it into the realm of physical comedy and brilliant artistic parody.

At the start, says Dobrin, their campy onstage antics did not endear them to the critics, who took umbrage at the idea of spoofing their pure art. But audiences and even other dancers have always loved “the Trocks”: recently, Darcey Bissell, the prima ballerina of the London Ballet, presented the whole company with flowers at the end of a performance.

And the critics have come to realize that Trockadero humor can come only from true fans of ballet. Who else would know the exact moments of comic potential in the choreography and iconography of the art form–the endless curtain calls, the tense on-stage dynamics, and the over-the-top tragedies? For example, The Dying Swan, a perennial favorite, ends up molting feathers all over the stage in a death scene that convulses both the swan and the viewers.

Dobrin insists that the company’s real comic genius is more about character development than gender.

“I never think about it in terms of male bodies in female ballet roles,” says Dobrin. “The steps you learn, whether you’re in Les Ballets Trockadero or in the San Francisco Ballet, are simply steps. The characterizations are all based on emotions that a man or a woman would have. Yes, the costume is different. But once you get used to the costume and pointe shoes, you’re developing a character. That isn’t male or female, it’s just a character.”

Physical differences between the genders do enter into the equation, though, when it comes to the athleticism that Les Ballets Trockadero are contributing to ballet en pointe.

“Women are really going for a fine-detailed, ethereal technique,” says Dobrin. “And we are really going for the attack.”

In place of the delicacy, the Trockadero dancers have developed their pointe work to take advantage of the strong legs and greater body mass, much as in figure skating.

“That’s one thing that makes our pointe work more exciting,” dancer Paul Ghiselin says with obvious enthusiasm. “Our turns are quicker, our jumps are higher, and we really fill up the stage with movement.”

Filling up the stage is hard work, as any dancer will testify. The dancers of Les Ballets Trockadero may seem to be effortlessly pulling out the gags, but comedy mixed with dance steps means timing is key, and full-time training is essential. The company trains and rehearses daily for at least six hours and tours for over 40 weeks a year. This is ballet at its finest and most traditionally grueling.

But the Trockadero repertory is even more of a throwback: it is a repository of the classics: Giselle, Les Sylphides, Swan Lake. Paul Ghiselin (known onstage as Ida Nevaseyneva) came to Les Ballets Trockadero five years ago, after 13 years of dancing in the Ohio Ballet, and found the change to classics a refreshing switch.

“I had never danced the truly traditional things,” recalls Ghiselin. “I would have to join another company during the Christmas season to do The Nutcracker only because my company didn’t even do The Nutcracker.”

That emphasis on the classics is a strong positive contrast with much of contemporary American ballet, and it also gives Les Ballets Trockadero a continuing leg up in Japan, which has proved to be a guaranteed moneymaker for these men in tights.

“They’re in the middle of this incredible ballet boom now, similar to what America was in the ’70s. And they have this wacky sense of humor. You can see it in their game shows; they’re totally whacked out,” says Dobrin. “And of course this drag element has no stigma attached to it at all, because they’ve got kabuki, they’ve got an all-female performing troupe called the Takarazuka. So that whole issue was no issue.”

For most of their audiences, though, the Trocks do bring up issues–of gender, art, illusion, and comedy. Substituting men for women in ballet is an amazingly effective way of tweaking some of the supposedly fundamental truths about the dance. But Dobrin brushes away attempts to analyze his company’s impact on ballet.

“You just do what you do, and people hopefully come,” he says. “It’s not really that important. A cure for AIDS would be important. This is just a lot of fun.”

Les Ballets Trockadero flit on stage Friday, March 3, at 8 p.m. at the Marin Center, Avenue of the Flags, San Rafael. Tickets are $30 and $24. 415/472-3500.

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Maya

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Valley of the Moon meets Club Med: Chef Manuel Arjona of Maya has whipped up creative dishes–ranging from chipotle-braised lamb shank to vegetable tamales–that match the popular restaurant’s vibrant, colorful presentation.

Mad for Maya

Yucatan spirit thrives in Sonoma

By Paula Harris

IF THERE WAS EVER a festive cure to send those winter blahs a-packing, then surely this is it. Maya, an upscale Mexican restaurant on the southeast corner of Sonoma Plaza, is the perfect destination that feels as if you’re getting away without actually going very far. The proprietors have transformed the former Della Santina’s Italian restaurant (now located down the street) into a tropical hideaway.

From the moment you go through the heavy copper-framed glass door, you’re caught up in a happy vacation-like atmosphere. Sort of Valley of the Moon meets Club Med.

The poolside party mood is accentuated by a ceiling painted the sunny azure blue of a foreign sky and a semi-open kitchen with a thatched canopy roof made from exotic palm fronds.

A colorful Yucatan mural, warm deep coral and rough stone exposed walls, blond wood , and a wooden armoire that holds glasses, water jugs, and Mexican artifacts enhance the picture.

Dominating the scene is what can only be called the Tequila Temple: a Mayan-inspired tiered tower boasting rows of shiny bottles of cactus juice. In this watering hole you can ponder the differences among blanco, reposado, and añejo and sample some different 30 tequilas (not all at once, por favor!) available by the half shot.

There’s a good wine list too, but many patrons opt for the imported beers and specialty cocktails. The yummy shaken ‘n’ strained Maya Margarita ($4.95), made with Hornitos reposada tequila, triple sec, and fresh juices and served in a chilled salt-rimmed martini glass with a fresh lime wedge, is a house favorite.

Chunky rustic wooden chairs with curved “butt holders” ensure comfy seating for the casual-chic, Margarita-sipping crowd. Blame the Corona or the Cuervo 1800, but most people do look very relaxed in here.

THE FOOD IS FUN. The thin, warm, slightly salty tortilla chips, served with two salsas, plus fresh diced chilies, onion, and cilantro, are so addictive we munch our way through two basketfuls while mulling the menu.

A small bowl of warm, extremely spicy, toasted pumpkin seeds ($1.50) shocks our taste buds into action. My sleepy commuter companion bites into one particularly vicious seed, abruptly jolts awake, and comments that “it’s like taking an upper.”

The ratitos–jalapeño masa chips ($2.75)–are empty, puffy dough triangles which are rather oily. The saving grace is a lovely fresh accompaniment of sweet pepper and avocado pico de gallo with cilantro.

A pasilla pepper crammed with chicken and herbs ($4.95) is a satisfying appetizer, although some may find the overall flavor a bit sweet. The expertly roasted chili pepper is fork tender and the finely ground filling is smooth and tasty. It’s napped with a creamy sesame seed sauce and sprinkled with another handful of those killer pumpkin seeds.

Our solicitous server recommends the salmon à la parilla entrée ($15.95). It’s a vibrant, colorful presentation. The moist salmon is wrapped in a banana leaf, and it pairs really well with the chunks of creamy avocado on the side. Also on the plate are pieces of grilled pepper, onion, and zucchini; rice; and a zesty chili and guava sauce.

Vegetarians can select either the grilled seasonal veggies ($10.50) with warm tortillas and chili and guava salsa (rather run-of-the-mill), or the vegetable tamale ($9.50). The slightly spicy tamale, cooked in a banana leaf, has a good texture–firm but not too dense–and it comes with rice and some really good whole black beans.

Heavier fare includes chipolte-braised lamb shank with lemon zest and mint ($16.50) and Yucatan-spiced grilled rib-eye steak ($19.50) with pasilla and tropical fruit salsa.

As for desserts, the Maya flan ($4.95) is a popular choice. It’s garnished with fresh mango and strawberries, as vivid as a tequila sunrise.

But the star dessert has to be the pastel de tres leches ($4.95). This exquisite cake has a thin, custardy, cinnamon-spiked sauce and is garnished with strawberries. It’s as moist as a trifle with its rich condensed-milk filling and creamy topping, yet it’s as light and delicate as a cloud. “Señora Betty Crocker should make a cake this moist!” brags the menu. And they ain’t kidding.

There’s a certain brightness to this place, with its cheerful cocktails and sunny cuisine, which should elevate even the most sunken of winter spirits.

Maya Address: 101 E. Napa St. East, Sonoma; 935-3500 Hours: Monday-Saturday, 11:45 a.m. to 10 p.m.; Sunday, 4 to 10 p.m. Food: Upscale Mexican Service: Attentive and courteous Ambiance: Festive and colorful Price: Moderate to moderately expensive Wine list: Good selection of local wines; also beers, specialty cocktails, and some 30 tequilas available by the half shot Overall: 3 stars (out of 4)

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Usual Suspects

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Photograph by Janet Orsi

Tangled Web

Child killer Richard Allen Davis gets a home page of his own

By Paula Harris

CLICK ON THE WEB PAGE. The scanned photographs of Native American-inspired art and woodwork show nothing remarkable. Clichéd wolves, eagles, buffalo, and Indian tribal riders etched onto plastic cups and Bic lighter holders. Typical Southwestern art show offerings.

What’s not so typical is the artist.

“Greetings with a smile,” states the cheery blurb on the artist’s Web page. “I was just wondering that after going through my trial and all the media statements about myself: Could there be someone out there in the world who would be with an open mind to not take everything that has been said about me? Could there be anyone who could take the time to see for themselves, just who I really am.”

Welcome to the home page of Richard Allen Davis, now on San Quentin State Prison’s death row, convicted of the abduction and murder of Petaluma schoolgirl Polly Klaas.

The murder occurred in 1993, but memories of the case are still vivid. Davis, a state parolee with a long criminal history, invaded Klaas’ quiet neighborhood home during a slumber party. While Klaas’ mother and sister slept nearby, Davis bound and gagged her two school friends and abducted the sobbing 12-year-old at knifepoint.

Two months later, Davis confessed to strangling Klaas and led police to her body buried beneath a scrap heap in Cloverdale. In 1996, he was convicted and sentenced to die. So how is he now able to reach out to the world via the Internet, display his art, and even request pen pals on his own home page? Could the site be a hoax?

“Richard Allen Davis’ page is indeed genuine and is still active,” say Tracy Lamourie and Dave Parkinson, directors of the Toronto-based nonprofit Canadian Coalition Against the Death Penalty, which provides and maintains free Web pages for death-row inmates. “The page was created in April of 1999 when we received a letter from Richard Davis, as we do from many death-row prisoners, in response to this outreach form that is passed from prisoner to prisoner,” they add.

Critics charge that featuring Richard Allen Davis, the high-profile convicted killer of “America’s Child,” is an odd choice for a poster boy for such an organization, which claims to champion human rights. Not so, respond the CCAPD co-founders.

“We offer free Web pages to all death-row prisoners, regardless of whether the perpetrator is high-profile or not, guilty or innocent. We ask one question: Is the person under sentence of death?

“We believe that the government should not be given the power to kill its citizens in the guise of justice. Period,” note Lamourie and Parkinson in a joint statement.

“We don’t feel any one murder is better or worse than any other, or that the life of any victim is more or less valuable than the life of another murder victim,” they add. “Therefore we don’t make any judgments as to which crimes would disqualify the offender from appearing on our pages. If they are sentenced to die, then they are welcome to use our pages to attempt to garner support to attempt to save their lives.”

However, Lamourie and Parkinson admit they’ve received ” a lot of negative response” from individuals outraged by Davis’ page.

One of those outraged Web surfers is Marc Klaas, a full-time campaigner in the cause of preventing violence against children since the kidnapping and murder of his daughter.

“We did receive an e-mail from Mark [sic] Klaas, who was not pleased with Davis having a page. . . . I believe he had been alerted to the existence of the page in December when he was contacted by a local California TV station,” says Parkinson.

He did not elaborate on the communication.

The Davis websites, located at http://members.xoom.com/_XOOM/ccadp/davisart.htm and http://members.home.net/ccadp/richarddavis.htm, are still up and running, complete with recent photographs and a request by Davis to “place me on other countries (sic) death row penpal web hook ups.”

As for Davis’ artwork, it’s for display purposes only, according to the CCAPD. “As far as I know, [the work] was never for sale,” says Parkinson. “At least not on our site . . .”

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Measure B

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Freeway Jam

Big money drives the latest ballot bid for Highway 101 widening

By Janet Wells

WHEN IT comes to money, Yes on Measure B is the Fortune 500 campaign of Sonoma County’s upcoming March primary. Contributions in the first three weeks of January alone read like a Who’s Who of Big Business and include: Agilent Technologies, $50,000; Advanced Fibre Communications and Fireman’s Fund, $25,000 each; Sola Optical, $15,000; and Mead Clark Lumber, Codding Enterprises, North Bay Construction, and Minatta Transport-ation, $5,000 each.

Measure B spokesman and Sebastopol City Councilman Sam Crump puts the campaign resources at more than $400,000 to promote his brainchild, which would raise sales taxes a half-percent for eight years to raise money for turning Highway 101 into a six-lane freeway from Windsor to the Marin-Sonoma county line, where traffic bottlenecks at the so-called Novato Narrows.

The No on B forces are armed with endorsements that look like a Who’s Who of Sonoma County Environmentalists. But support from the Sierra Club, the Environmental Defense Fund, Sonoma County Conservation Action, the Greenbelt Alliance, and the Sonoma County Land Use Coalition hasn’t translated into cash for the cause.

Gayle Goldstone, spokeswoman for Citizens Against Wasting Millions, laughs when asked if the campaign’s coffer–which turns out to hold a grand total of $13,097–is anywhere close to that of Crump & Co.

“We don’t have a campaign war chest filled with contributions from paving contractors and development interests to get our message out,” she says. “The biggest investment comes from those who will benefit the most. There’s no mystery there.”

Measure B has been dubbed “Ghilotti 4 101,” in reference to one of the initiative’s ardent early backers, Jim Ghilotti, whose large Santa Rosa construction company has annual revenues of about $40 million. Caltrans has hired Ghilotti Construction Co. more than a dozen times in the past two years for public works projects totaling more than $13 million.

While Ghilotti has contributed a substantial amount of cash and in-kind services to the Measure B campaign, he declines to discuss the issue, and his assistant refers calls to Crump. However, in published reports, Ghilotti has said that because of the state’s competitive bidding laws, he would “gain nothing from helping this campaign.”

Crump bristles at the suggestion that the measure is a self-serving windfall for paving and construction interests. “Over half our funding is from the high-tech industry. Why don’t you talk about what their motivations might be? They ship goods all day long, and they want to improve the quality of life for their employees,” Crump says.

“They held a high-tech symposium that identified Highway 101 as the biggest concern of doing business up here.”

Opponents criticize the measure as a financial boondoggle, and maintain that the highway will be widened even without Measure B sales-tax funds. “Measure B talks about [improving] 36 miles of freeway. Twenty-four [miles] have already been allocated for funding,” says Sonoma County Conservation Board member Bill Kortum, a Petaluma veterinarian known as the dean of the Sonoma County environmental movement. “Some of the funds are here, others are on the books.

It can’t be on the books unless the Metropolitan Transportation Commission knows the money is forthcoming.”

Crump counters that “on the books” is just a wish list for widening sections of 101. “It’s not funded. It depends on a bunch of contingencies,” he says. “It’s not happening. If you want to sit around and wait for 20 years, go ahead.”

Caltrans North County Office Chief Saaid Fakharzadeh confirms that almost $72 million has been allocated to add a lane in each direction from Wilford Avenue in Rohnert Park to Steele Lane in Santa Rosa, as well as start the environmental review process for rebuilding the Wilford Avenue overpass.

According to Kortum, a 20-year blueprint recently issued by the MTC, includes funding for widening the Novato Narrows, as well as widening Highway 101 from Petaluma Valley to the Old Redwood Highway interchange, and from Steele Lane to River Road in Windsor.

AN INFUSION of sales-tax money might make the process go more quickly, Fakharzadeh says, but Kortum disagrees. “Twenty years is realistic,” he says. “I don’t care how much money you throw at it, it doesn’t speed it up.

“That’s the pace that Caltrans builds things.”

Measure B opponents have long argued that adding more lanes to the freeway will do little to ease traffic congestion, since construction won’t keep pace with growth. Fakharzadeh agrees, citing a study done for the MTC that pegged light-rail transit as a necessary adjunct.

Marin and Sonoma counties, linked by the traffic-choked Novato Narrows, are at loggerheads when it comes to transit (though the counties are working behind the scenes on a rail plan)–and Measure B does nothing but exacerbate the differences, Kortum says.

Marin County voters, says Kortum, will never approve local funds to widen Highway 101, and officials are instead crafting a fall ballot measure that emphasizes rail and bus transit.

“They don’t get any advantage out of [widening the highway]. They would rather have commuters arrive by other means,” he says.

WHILE Sonoma County’s March ballot also has a second transportation initiative seeking an additional Sonoma County sales-tax increase to fund limited rail and bus improvements, few people give Measure C any hope of passing.

If Measure B passes without Measure C, “you sacrifice a rail startup in Marin County,” Kortum says. “Marin County officials are telling me they will fold their tents.”

Meanwhile, Measure B opponents wonder if “three lanes all the way” fans would withdraw their support if they knew that the third lane in each direction would be designated only for car pools during commute hours.

Crump seems anxious to avoid spotlighting the issue, banking instead on a change in the rules requiring all state and federally subsidized highway projects to build high-occupancy vehicle lanes. “The highway will not be built on March 8. It will take several years to get done, and we don’t know what the law will be at the time. There’s a completed study in Sacramento that questions the effectiveness of a car-pool lane,” says Crump, who could not provide a source for such a study.

“I hope they give jurisdiction back to the local level, so the people of Sonoma County can decide whether or not to have [those lanes].”

From the February 24-March 1, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Stan Pawlowski–Charles Schulz Tribute

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Puppy love: Stan Pawlowski finished Retirement just before Schulz died.

Bigger Than Life

Sculpture Stan Pawlowski discusses his tribute to Charles Schulz

By Patrick Sullivan

DEATH UNITES US like nothing else. The recent passing of Santa Rosa’s most famous resident, Peanuts creator Charles Schulz, brought millions of faithful fans across the world together in grief and loss.

For half a century, the cartoonist offered the wry and witty Peanuts cartoon to an audience that always seemed hungry for more. But that 50-year artistic career came to an end on Saturday, Feb. 12, when the cartoonist died at the age of 77, just hours before his last cartoon ran in Sunday papers across the nation.

The death of Schulz has lent new poignancy to local efforts to honor his lifetime of accomplishments. On Tuesday, March 7, the Santa Rosa City Council is expected to sign off on a plan to commission a life-sized bronze sculpture of Peanuts characters. The piece, which will be placed in Depot Park in Old Railroad Square, is to be created by Long Beach sculpture Stan Pawlowski, who knew Schulz well and deeply mourns his passing.

“One thing that bothers me is that he’s not going to be here to see the finished work,” says the 47-year-old Pawlowski. “He was a dear friend of mine and a huge inspiration.”

The sculpture has been in the works since shortly after Schulz announced that he had cancer and was planning to retire. The city first considered naming a street after the cartoonist, but then settled on a sculpture instead.

Pawlowski says he collaborated with the Peanuts creator to come up with the concept for the piece, which will feature a 4-foot-tall Charlie Brown and Snoopy standing side by side. A railing featuring scenes and characters from Peanuts will surround the sculpture to deter vandalism. The whole concept may evolve slightly–the artist says he’s now considering adding Woodstock.

“I am hoping that I’ll be able to install it by Oct. 2 and have it dedicated on that day, even though I’ll have to work day and night to get it done,” Pawlowski says.

The sculpture will cost the city $168,000–a bargain for a work by Pawlowski, who would usually charge quite a bit more for such a piece.

“I feel like I’m honoring him, so I wanted to do my part,” he explains.

The sculptor first began crafting Peanuts characters when he was just 17, using the newspaper strips as a model to re-create Schulz’s beloved characters in clay.

“I never imagined that I would someday be creating work for him that would be going into production,” Pawlowski says.

About eight years ago, a Peanuts licensee brought Pawlowski together with Schulz so the cartoonist could see some work the sculptor had done for Disney. The two hit it off immediately, and Pawlowski ended up getting a commission to design the Charles M. Schulz award for cartooning, which featured Snoopy leaning on an inkwell.

“When we first had a meeting he inspired me so much that I turned out five little miniatures in a month,” Pawlowski recalls. “He appreciated the detail work that I do, which inspired me to do better every time.”

Pawlowski went on to do 11 other pieces for Schulz. He says the true impact of the cartoonist’s art on the lives of his fans may never really be known.

“He’s brought such great joy to the entire world and inspiration to people he never knew,” Pawlowski says.

“He’s touched so many people. My life has been greatly enriched from knowing him, and I’m going to miss him as an artistic inspiration and personally.”

A public memorial for Charles Schulz takes place midmorning on Monday, Feb. 21, at the Luther Burbank Center, 50 Mark West Springs Road, Santa Rosa.

From the February 17-23, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Proposition 21

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Cracking down on California’s youth. Why are big corporations backing the state’s prison-industrial proposition?

By Carrie Ching

DESPITE NUMEROUS studies that show there has been a sharp decrease in juvenile-crime rates since 1993, the media spotlight on young offenders has created the illusion of a new breed of juvenile “superpredators.” This is particularly true in California–home to one-fifth of America’s 100,000 young prisoners–where a punitive measure called the “Gang Violence and Juvenile Crime Prevention Act” has made it onto the March 2000 ballot. Proposition 21, as it is known, is sponsored by former Gov. Pete Wilson and a host of multinational corporations, including Chevron and Transamerica.

If passed, Wilson’s initiative would “vastly expand the number of children tried as adults in California, maybe even triple them,” says Lisa Greer, a public defender in the Los Angeles juvenile-justice system.

By crowding minors onto court dockets and eventually into prisons, the state’s legislative analyst’s office calculates the initiative could cost California taxpayers more than $5 billion over the next 10 years.

And not a penny of that money would go toward prevention or rehabilitation programs.

Money in Politics

Although Wilson failed to get similar punitive measures past the state Legislature while in office, thanks to California’s unique initiative-petition method, he was able to buy his way into the polls in 1998. With the financial endorsement of a band of petroleum giants and utility companies–organizations with no apparent stake in a state-level juvenile-crime initiative–Wilson was able to garner enough signatures and support for his initiative to qualify for the 2000 ballot. He received donations from Pacific Gas & Electric and Unocal 76, which coughed up $50,000 each, as well as from ARCO and the head of Hilton Hotels.

It’s no coincidence that most of the corporate sponsors of Prop. 21 also contributed to Wilson’s campaign. A Chevron spokesperson reportedly admitted that his company contributed $25,000 to the initiative “at then-Governor Wilson’s request.”

After all, the former senator and governor of America’s most populous state was–at the time–a possible presidential contender.

“Those donations were to Wilson himself, to support his last attempt to run for president,” says Kimi Lee, an organizer for the American Civil Liberties Union’s No on Prop. 21 campaign. “The corporations had no idea what they were supporting.”

But the tide of Wilson’s political career has since turned. Wilson has been out of office for almost two years–he now works for a Beverly Hills-based investment firm. Many of the corporations that originally funded the initiative have washed their hands of it; PG&E publicly retracted its support of Prop. 21 when challenged by protesters late last year.

And although Wilson has been off the presidential bandwagon for over a year, the wheels of his forgotten platform are still spinning toward the polls.

Crime Pays

It seems the groups still urging Prop. 21 forward are those who stand to benefit financially from the legislation: organizations aligned with the prison industry. One of Wilson’s premier campaign contributors, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, has a vested interest in keeping the prison populations booming. California has built 21 new prisons since 1984 and spends nearly $4 billion a year maintaining them–a drive that has doubled CCPOA membership in the last decade, more than tripling its annual dues.

While according to CCPOA lobbyist Jeff Thompson the prison guard union is itself “not taking a position” on Prop. 21, it has a substantial investment in current Gov. Gray Davis–who received $2 million from the union during his 1998 campaign.

Davis recently announced his support of the initiative.

According to Lee of the ACLU, packing more people into prisons also means more cheap labor for corporations like Chevron–which has utilized prison labor in the past–and a healthy percentage off the top for the Department of Corrections. The California DOC Joint Venture Program allows corporations to lease state land and set up operations within prison walls, promising “state tax incentives, discount rates on Worker’s Compensation Insurance, and no benefit expenses” to corporate employers. As of January 1, 12 California prisons were already participating in the program, and 15 corporate employers were cutting costs with cheap labor.

“There is a direct correlation between the increase in criminal legislation and corporate interests,” says Lee. “Corporations are the driving force behind the ‘prison industrial complex.’ It benefits them to keep the prisons full because it means a cheap, captive workforce.”

The Battle of the Ballot

The financial incentives and political egoism behind Prop. 21 have not gone unnoticed. Opposition to Prop. 21 is spreading across the state like a virus, from youth activists to policy watchdogs to human rights advocates. Among its opponents are the California Parent Teacher Association, the League of Women Voters, the Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union, the California American Civil Liberties Union, and the California Public Defenders Association.

“This initiative is really unnecessary,” says Deborah Vargas, a policy analyst of the Center for Juvenile and Criminal Justice. “We already have legislation in effect that catches heinous juvenile offenders. Prop. 21 casts a wide net and catches nonviolent offenders as well, which you’d never know without reading the fine print.”

Critics attack Prop. 21 because hidden within its neat packaging and fancy title lie a series of punitive measures that will essentially strip young people of the protections currently granted to them by law. At the discretion of prosecutors, kids as young as 14 could be thrown into adult courts, and if convicted, 16-year-olds could receive life sentences in adult prisons–or the death penalty.

The initiative would also repeal the confidentiality of juvenile records, allowing schools and employers to review past offenses, no matter how trivial, as well as vastly extend the use of the “three strikes law” for young offenders.

But to many opponents, the most unsettling part of Wilson’s plan is the way it targets youth of color with its frontal attack on gangs. Prop. 21 would significantly increase the number of crimes punishable as “gang-related,” while bumping up the severity of sentences for such offenses.

In addition, the minimum damages to qualify for felony vandalism would be reduced from $50,000 to $400–which would mean a kid who spray-paints a bench or writes his name in concrete could be convicted of a felony and sentenced to one year in prison.

Even staying clear of organized gangs wouldn’t necessarily mean kids are out of the red zone, since Prop. 21 expands the definition of a “gang member.”

Police officers would have the authority to assume any suspicious-looking group of three or more young people was a gang and to wiretap their homes.

“This initiative would take us one more step down the road toward living in a complete ‘surveillance security state,’ ” warns Van Jones, director of the San Francisco-based Ella Baker Center for Human Rights.

Since the introduction of Prop. 21, opposition among California’s young people has snowballed into a full-fledged youth movement. Last December, armed with signs emblazoned with the words “Educate, Don’t Incarcerate!” and “Fight the War on Youth!” activists stormed the headquarters of PG&E in San Francisco, demanding a meeting with CEO Gordon Smith.

The result: PG&E agreed to make a public announcement retracting its support of Prop. 21 and donated $5,000 to the youth campaign as a symbolic gesture of the company’s neutrality. Activists also paid visits to corporate heads at Hilton and Chevron late last year, making similar demands.

But the toughest obstacle faced by youth activists and critics of Prop. 21 lies far beyond the offices of major corporate donors. Their primary challenge is to bridge the socioeconomic and racial chasms between the minority youth targeted by the initiative–most of whom are too young to legally vote–and the white, middle-class electorate, the group wielding the most political clout in the polls.

“Young people of color organizing against Prop. 21 are dancing with a contradiction,” says Robin Templeton, a youth organizer who works with the Youth Outlook (YO!) project in San Francisco.

“How [can they] win a campaign that requires swaying the white, middle-class voters who have historically betrayed them at the ballot box and who see them as the ‘superpredator’ generation?”

Their dilemma is particularly daunting in light of polls that indicate people overwhelmingly support initiatives advertised as “tough on crime,” without reading the fine print or comprehending the larger issues at hand.

Cracking Down on Youth

California is not the first to tighten its juvenile-justice system. At least 43 states have taken some sort of stab at juvenile crime in the last two decades, enacting some rather draconian laws.

In 1981, Florida passed a “prosecutional discretion waiver” almost identical to the stipulation in Wilson’s initiative, shifting the power to push juveniles into adult court from judges to prosecutors.

Because of this shift, in 1995 alone Florida prosecutors sent nearly as many juveniles to adult court (7,000) as were tried in the entire United States (9,700). And youth transferred to adult court in Florida were found to be a third more likely to re-offend than those sent to the juvenile-justice system.

A bill currently before Congress also threatens to tighten juvenile-crime legislation on the federal level.

But by eliminating the concept of rehabilitation, California’s initiative takes juvenile punishment in a new direction–and it is likely that other states may follow. “The California initiative process has historically been a trendsetter for repressive campaigns,” says Templeton. “Prop. 21 could conceivably eliminate the concept of rehabilitative juvenile justice in the rest of the nation.”

Yet despite this wave of repressive youth-crime legislation, there is no mistaking the fact that juvenile-crime rates are going down–on both state and national levels. Between 1990 and 1998, California’s juvenile felony rate dropped 30 percent, its juvenile homicide rate down 61 percent.

And nationally, the rate of violent crimes committed by juveniles is lower than it was 20 years ago–a fact that the Office for Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention attributes not to an increase in punitive legislation, but to a decline in homicides by firearms.

People who work closely with juveniles warn of the dangers of a widespread crackdown on young offenders. “After being pushed through the adult-criminal system, kids come out much more hardened and crime-prone,” says Public Defender Greer.

“It’s counterproductive to public safety and to efforts aimed at reforming youth.”

From the February 17-23, 2000 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

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