Night at the Shelter

I got a miniscule taste of what it is like to be a refugee when I attempted to return home to Lake County from Napa last week.

At the intersection of Tubbs Lane and Highway 29 in Calistoga, the police informed me that the only open route home would be to drive all the way north to Hopland, cut across the notoriously circuitous Hopland Grade to Lake County, and then home to Clearlake. Since it was far too late for this drive, I was directed to the Calistoga Fairgrounds fire evacuation center to stay for the night.

Upon arriving at the evacuation center, I pulled my car into the far side of the fairgrounds, hoping to get some shut-eye in the back seat. I tried about four pretzel poses to get some sleep, though the night was restless at best. At one point, a light rain began, and I hoped it was also falling where the fire was, in order to help put out the flames. Not so.

At breakfast, I met fellow Lake County residents who shared first-hand accounts of exploding propane tanks and gas stations, and walls of fire in Middletown and Hidden Valley Lake. I met people who had lost their homes, and others who’d been able to rescue their horses, but couldn’t save the rest of their pets because the animals were overcome with fear. They had to walk away from their burning homes, leaving their beloved animal friends behind, though, fortunately, they’d gotten their families out. Their losses carved deep lines in their faces.

During my drive home, I heard on the radio about the many people who had lost homes or businesses. Their nightmare had just begun. I counted myself incredibly blessed to have only experienced a three-hour driving inconvenience. I was sleep-deprived and impatient—nothing compared to what others were going through.

The experience of being a temporary refugee brings to mind those in our world who are real refugees, like those now fleeing the conflict in Syria. May we keep all of the refugees, both known and unknown, in our hearts and prayers. And, where possible, may we do what we can to create situations where there are no refugees, or be there to help them when there are.

Leslie Sheridan is editor and publisher of the ‘Carpe Diem Voice,’ where a version of this story appeared.

Open Mic is a weekly feature in the ‘Bohemian.’ We welcome your contribution. To have your topical essay of 350 words considered for publication, write op*****@******an.com.

Opening Spotlight

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When Soundgarden songwriter Chris Cornell announced his acoustic concert tour earlier this year, he originally planned it as a solo gig—until he heard acoustic rock songstress Hemming (aka Candice Martello), and invited her to open for him. Hemming and Cornell perform in Santa Rosa on Sept. 24.

Growing up near Philadelphia, Martello has played guitar since she was a kid. She first made noise in the city of brotherly love as part of the punk duo Omar, with drummer Nick Fanelli. Omar caught the eye of producers at VH1 in 2014, who called to recruit the band for a new reality show, Make or Break, hosted by Linda Perry of 4 Non Blondes.

Taking a chance on television, Martello ended up transitioning into a solo performer for the first time in her public life when Fanelli had to drop out of the competition mid-season. Showing off her own emotionally charged acoustic songs to the judges, Martello went on to win the whole thing and secured a record deal with Perry’s label.

Working with Perry in the recording studio, Martello formed Hemming as her solo project and released her self-titled debut album this summer. The album is being praised for its resonating mix of compelling melodies and Martello’s commanding voice.

Hemming opens for Chris Cornell on Thursday, Sept. 24, at the Wells Fargo Center for the Arts, 50 Mark West Springs Road, Santa Rosa. 8pm. $50–$60. 707.546.3600.

What’s Yours Is Theirs

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YOURS IS THEIRS

A funny thing happened on the way to Senate Bill 443 crashing and burning in the California State Assembly a couple weeks ago. The bill was the latest effort to reform California state law that governs asset forfeiture in law enforcement efforts, but after sailing out of the Senate on a nearly unanimous vote (38–1) in June, the bill flopped, 44–24, in the lower house when it came to a vote on Sept. 10.

In a legislature that boasts a Democratic supermajority, the votes looked weird on paper. But they weren’t a surprise to the California office of the Drug Policy Alliance, which has pushed for reforms to state asset-forfeiture rules so that innocents on the periphery of (mostly) drug cases aren’t separated from their assets—and can get their assets back without having to fight a law that puts the onus on the dispossessed.

“We knew that it was coming,” says Lynne Lyman, California state director of the Drug Policy Alliance, based in San Francisco. She says that any appearance that the bill was headed toward passage was a mirage, given that “law enforcement didn’t pay us any attention until after we got it out of the Senate.”

Once the powerful law enforcement lobby tuned into it, there was a “full court press” to kill the bill, says Lyman. It succeeded. Among other reforms, SB 443 would have demanded a criminal conviction as a precondition for seizing assets.

Asset forfeiture cases often involve innocent people in “conviction-free seizures” who have to have to prove their innocence to get their cash and property back. Oftentimes, they don’t bother, says Lyman, given the expense. She says the typical cash grab in an asset-forfeiture case is between $5,000 and $8,000.

Back Door Men

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Rohnert Park police officer David Rodriguez was already involved in a Fourth Amendment federal lawsuit when he pulled out his service revolver and asked Don McComas if he was “some kind of a constitutionalist crazy guy or something like that” during a tense encounter in McComas’ front yard in July.
The video McComas took of the incident has since been viewed more than 400,000 times on Youtube.

Rodriguez is one of three Rohnert Park officers named in a lawsuit filed with the U.S. Fourth District Court in San Francisco that alleges he and two other officers, Jacy Tatum and Matthew Snodgrass, unlawfully and without a warrant entered the Rohnert Park home of Elva and Raul Barajas in November 2014 while executing a probation check on their son, Edgar Perez.

The complaint alleges that two of the officers questioned the parents at the front door while the third officer, Tatum, entered the home through a side door with his weapon drawn.

The Barajas’ attorney, the San Francisco–based Morrison & Foerster, have asked for a summary judgment from the court, and argue that the officers’ training is a key factor in the unconstitutional policing practices going on in the
Friendly City.

The suit, in effect, puts Rohnert Park’s training guidelines for probationers on trial. “Summary judgment should be granted to ensure that the City of Rohnert Park refrains from searching probationers unless there is reasonable suspicion for believing that the probationer has committed a crime,” reads the latest court documents filed Sept. 10.

The complaint charges that as the two officers at the door told the Barajas family why they were there, Tatum entered the home through a rear sliding door, “without consent, startling Plaintiffs and their children, who were now essentially surrounded, with two officers at the front door and one officer standing behind them in their home. Thereafter, the two officers at the front of the home also entered.”

Perez wasn’t home.

The plaintiffs and defendants have both asked for a summary judgment in their favor from the court on Oct. 15, the date set for the parties to argue their case. If the court denies the motions for summary judgment, the case will go to trial Feb. 29.

The suit rests on the principle that probationers have the same rights as anyone when it comes to search and seizure protections under the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution: “The Supreme Court of the United States has made it clear that in order for the government to search an individual, her vehicle or her home, law enforcement must at least have reasonable suspicion to believe that that person has committed a crime,” reads the Sept. 10 filing from the plaintiff’s lawyers.

“That rule applies equally to probationers,” the complaint charges, but “in the city of Rohnert Park, law enforcement has set aside this requirement in every case where a probationer has a search condition as part of her probation.”

The case turns on whether the officers can conduct random searches in the absence of a reasonable suspicion that a crime has been committed. Rohnert Park police believe that they can do just that. “That is not the law,” the plaintiff’s lawyers contend. “As the Supreme Court has held, reasonable suspicion was necessary to search the Barajas home.”

A training officer with the Rohnert Park force, Sgt. Jeff Justice, provided testimony that claimed police in Rohnert Park could execute a random probation search even on a probationer who was, for example, sitting on a park bench feeding the ducks.

Tatum, identified in the suit as the officer who entered the Barajas home through a side door with his gun drawn, testified that he’s done that same thing at least 50 or 60 times in previous probation checks, according to court documents.

The Barajas lawyers conclude in their suit that “the city has sanctioned and ratified its police officers’ actions to conduct unlawful searches, including in this case; failed to train and supervise its officers properly to ensure they only conduct searches under the color of the law; and acted with deliberate indifference in failing to properly train its officers or to adopt policies necessary to prevent such constitutional violations.”

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The more recent incident involving Officer Rodriguez was not a probation check, though it did involve a citizen whose family has (by his own account), apparently had other run-ins with Rohnert Park police.

In that encounter, Rodriguez appeared to use a cell phone to film McComas from his cruiser while McComas filmed Rodriguez pulling up in the police car. The officer exits his cruiser and almost immediately draws his weapon as he demands that McComas take his hand out of his pocket.

McComas was in his front yard attending to his trailered boat, and the video shows that he’s clearly unnerved by the drawn weapon. McComas retreats while filming Rodriguez, and makes comments to Rodriguez to the effect that the Rohnert Park police have harassed his family before.

McComas was not charged or detained; Rodriguez eventually holstered his weapon and departed.

The video went viral, Rodriguez was put on administrative leave with pay and Rohnert Park officials brought in an outside investigator to see what went wrong. In a statement, city officials acknowledged that Rodriguez’s actions in the McComas driveway were unusual: “The incident portrayed on the video is not a typical interaction between our public safety officers and the public.”

But according to the federal lawsuit that names Rodriguez as a defendant, it is typical for Rohnert Park officers to enter innocent people’s homes to execute probation searches, with their guns drawn. The complaint reads, in part:

“When probation searches are conducted, it is the practice of the Rohnert Park Police Department to enter homes through a back door with guns drawn even while police are explaining to residents at the front door why they are there.”

The suit against Rohnert Park further alleges that Rodriguez and Tatum were involved in a 2010 incident involving Perez that took place in front of the Barajas house while Perez was playing football in the street with his brother.

That incident is recounted in filings that allege Officer Tatum accused Perez of being involved in a hit-and-run accident as a pretext to search the Barajas home. The incident ended badly: Perez argued with Tatum, Rodriguez tasered Perez, and Perez wound up in the hospital, “bleeding and beaten up,” according to court documents. Perez was never charged with a hit and run offense, the plaintiff’s filings assert.

The federal suit alleges an ongoing pattern of harassment. Perez was also pulled over while driving—for no reason other than Tatum recognized him as a probationer, as Tatum himself admits in the court documents. The stops, Tatum says “may have been just a probation search when I saw him driving.”

The lawsuit alleges that four years after the front-yard encounter, the officers again searched the Barajas home unlawfully and absent any reasonable suspicion or allegation that Perez had committed a crime.

While Rodriguez is a named plaintiff in the federal civil rights complaint with the district court, the suit alleges that he was, in effect, following his training: “In Rohnert Park, police officer stop and frisk people, pull over people’s vehicles, and enter people’s homes based solely on a probation search condition.”

Probationers can be subjected to a warrantless search, but the suit alleges that searches must be contingent on the suspicion that a crime has been committed, a principle that’s been upheld by the Supreme Court.

City officials in Rohnert Park dismissed the Barajas complaint. Now Rohnert Park has filed its own responses to the lawsuit that allege that the officers did nothing wrong, and that there’s nothing wrong with the training they received. In an email, Assistant City Manager Don Schwartz says the city can’t comment: “We don’t comment on lawsuits.”

Rohnert Park has hired the Santa Rosa–based Perry Johnson Anderson Miller & Moskowitz to defend it against the federal suit. The city has denied all the allegations and further charges that any damages suffered by the Barajases were the result of their own “careless and negligent” actions that day. In a multipronged rebuttal on file with the district court, the city denies “generally and specifically each and every allegation contained therein.”

Rodriguez wasn’t identified in the suit until May of this year; in the court documents, the Barajas attorneys say they were unable to identify him or the other officers before then. Meanwhile, McComas has hired Santa Rosa attorney Daniel Beck to pursue a civil rights lawsuit against Rodriguez and the Rohnert Park police force.

Paradigm Shift

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When cannabis activist and author Steve DeAngelo’s name is spoken, it is usually accompanied by words like “pioneer,” “visionary” and “national leader.”

With a wealth of knowledge and nearly four decades of advocacy under his belt, DeAngelo presents his case for marijuana reform in his new book, The Cannabis Manifesto: A New Paradigm for Wellness, published Sept. 22 by North Atlantic Books.

“I encountered the cannabis plant as a teenager, and I immediately knew it was a good plant and that it was going to play a big role in my life,” says DeAngelo. “But at the same time, I hated the idea of becoming a criminal and living even less free than I was already living.”

Born in Philadelphia and raised in Washington, D.C., DeAngelo began his activism on the streets and eventually worked on D.C.’s medical cannabis initiative, I-59, in 1998. Despite an overwhelming popular vote, Congress vetoed the initiative and DeAngelo set his sights west.

When he landed in Oakland in 2000, DeAngelo found that there were two kinds of dispensaries working under California’s medical cannabis initiative, the Compassionate Use Act, passed in 1996. The first were well-meaning but underfunded and unprofessional. The second were strictly for-profit businesses that turned dispensaries into what DeAngelo calls “scary and offensive.”

“I felt there was a need for a gold standard to demonstrate to the world that cannabis could be distributed in a way that brings benefits to communities instead of harm,” says DeAngelo.

In 2006, DeAngelo founded the Harborside Health Center, a landmark nonprofit dispensary in Oakland that is now the largest in the country. The center provides free holistic health clinics, laboratory-tested medicine, low-income care packages and a wide array of patient services.

When writing the Manifesto, DeAngelo drew on his passion and a lifetime of knowledge. The work dispels many of the myths associated with cannabis. DeAngelo believes there is no such thing as recreational cannabis use. “You have a person who, in their own self-conception, is just getting high, but if they went to a medical doctor and told them what they were using cannabis for, they would be diagnosed with several medical conditions,” says DeAngelo.

He argues cannabis is more effective than pharmaceuticals and comes without harmful side effects. And he says he has the science to back it up.

Yet science is not what is leading the way to legalization. “In California, we’ve had 20 years of medical cannabis. Almost everybody in this state knows at least somebody who has used medical cannabis and found it helpful, and that’s what is really turning the tide—the personal, direct experiences that people have with this plant.”

Pizza People

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Walking into Persona Wood Fired Pizzeria, the new Neapolitan-style pizza place on Fourth Street in Santa Rosa, about 10 employees working behind the line swiveled their heads and loudly welcomed me with what sounded liked a management-decreed greeting. It was a little unnerving, but I got over it.

The restaurant, which replaced the late, great Arrigoni’s Deli, has a sleek, corporate look with its digital menus, employee T-shirts and well-branded décor. There’s also a digital soda fountain that dispenses about 150 different beverages. There’s beer and wine, too, but the options are much fewer.

Persona is the second restaurant by pizzaiolo Glenn Cybulski, winner of what I’m told are 112 culinary awards, including World Pizza Champion at the Citta Di Napoli world pizza competition in Naples, Italy. There are other locations in the works in South Carolina and Texas. So it’s fair to call it a chain, but it’s the pizza that matters and the pizza is good.

The pies are made assembly-line-style as you watch. The dough (gluten-free, if you must) is formed into a 12-inch disc, and the sauce of your choosing (marinara is good, but so is the chipotle) is deftly swirled on top with a ladle. The cheese (or no cheese, if you want) is added before your pizza slides down to the toppings guy. After that, the pizza goes into a beautiful wood-fired oven where it cooks for, oh, about two minutes. The well-blistered crust is perfectly formed and rather tall for Neapolitan-style. A basic pizza starts at $7.95. Add a pretty good caesar salad (skip the croutons) for $6, and you’re golden.

Persona Wood Fired Pizzeria, 701 Fourth St., Santa Rosa. 707.978.3208.—Stett Holbrook

Craft Malt

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Does a patch of earth in the Napa Valley still have terroir when there are no grapes planted on it? It sure does, says winemaker and brewer Nile Zacherle—at least when it’s planted with barley for making beer.

For Zacherle and a few other brewers, the last frontier in craft beer is as surprising as it is bare-bones: malted barley, the very foundation of beer. And they’re helping to create a whole new niche industry, in estate craft malting.

In a field of dry grass just off the Silverado Trail, Zacherle crouches to pluck a head of barley off a stalk. He rubs it between his fingers, releasing a few kernels, and chews on the grain. Still pretty good, he says. He just might try a second harvest.

From the road, this four-and-a-half-acre field looks like any other. A portion that was harvested several weeks ago looks roughly mown, and the unharvested barley bends seed heads two feet high. But it’s the site of something quite new and rare: Zacherle, who owns Mad Fritz microbrewery with his wife, Whitney Fisher of Fisher Vineyards, plans to make an estate-grown, single-varietal beer.

To malt the barley, a process of partial sprouting and drying that prepares the grain for brewing, Mad Fritz is purchasing a floor malting machine for the tiny
St. Helena brewery.

Meanwhile, Zacherle purchases malt from small-scale operations in Colorado, Oregon and Nevada, often dealing with the farmers directly. Even in the fast-growing, experimental world of craft brewing, it’s a radically different approach. But Zacherle feels that people will “get it” when tasting his beer. “You taste enough of these beers, and it’s just like wine,” he says. “It’s no different. It’s just that nobody thinks about it.”

What nobody thinks about is where their grain comes from. Most brewers buy malt from just a few mega-suppliers, called maltsters. They differentiate their beers by secret recipes of roasted malts, hop varieties and other ingredients. But Mad Fritz prints the recipe right on the label. “Because, like wine, it’s not about the recipe anymore,” Zacherle explains. “It’s about the raw materials and where they come from.”

Seth Klann grows some of those raw materials in the high desert of Oregon. Klann, who shares the title of owner, farmer and maltster at Mecca Grade Estate Malt with his father, just started malting estate-grown barley in January of this year.

“We’re the only craft-malt house that is sourcing all of our grain from ourselves on our farm,” Klann says. “It’s kind of like an estate vineyard and winery in that sense. And that’s what we’re modeling it after.”

Previously, the Klanns grew wheat on their 1,000-acre farm. Now they grow a variety of barley called Full Pint. Developed by Oregon State University 20 years ago, it’s loaded with flavor.

Mecca Grade can’t compete with the big maltsters on price. “So we have to offer a really unique product,” says Klann, “that focuses on the terroir of Central Oregon.”

There’s that word again. Indeed, Mad Fritz beers sell for $25 per 780ml bottle. How does Zacherle respond to someone who says that’s just a little too precious for beer?

“Well, I think they need to sit down,” he says, “and taste these beers.”

For more info, visit madfritz.com.

Lost in Song

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Will Oldham has stories to tell. At first, the singer-songwriter and occasional actor told these stories under the Palace moniker, forming several folk and rock bands in the early to mid-’90s with some variation on the name. Late in the decade, Oldham adopted his most prolific alias, Bonnie “Prince” Billy, and began releasing a mountain of music, both as a solo artist and in collaboration.

This week, his newly formed ensemble rolls through the North Bay for two dates. They play Gundlach Bundschu Winery in Sonoma on Sept. 27 and the Sweetwater in Mill Valley Sept. 28.

“If I had to sit down and write a step-by-step ‘best way to make a record,’ it would be a phone book,” says Oldham from his home in Louisville, Ky. “And it’s at odds with the way a lot of people do things.”

For Oldham, keeping it authentic is the key to his work—and he does think of it as a job; his records are often written, recorded and distributed by him. “Most of the time, when someone offers you a lot of money, it’s for something that you don’t feel comfortable doing.”

And while he is firm on his need to create music without financial influence, Oldham knows that’s not the case for much of the industry. “Growing up and paying attention to the story of musicians and bands, a lot of what you take in as information was distorted or manufactured by a promotion or business machine,” he says.

“So rather than have your idols torn down and becoming disillusioned, you want to push that out of the equation,” Oldham continues. “And the way to not get disillusioned is to understand what it is you admire or respect or value in another human being, and understand it’s going to come with a little red wagon of contradictions.”

Oldham seeks out other musicians he admires for projects that have ranged from an Everly Brothers cover album with Oakland renaissance woman Dawn McCarthy, to a throwback acid-rock album with Glasgow indie band Trembling Bells.

“When there’s somebody whose work I find incredibly compelling, I think I do what I can to put my being closer to their work,” says Oldham. “Every once in a while, you find yourself in the same room with somebody whose work you feel this connection to and then you see where conversations go.”

Legalization Realization

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It’s harvest time in the North Bay, and that means two things: grapes and marijuana. For this year’s harvest issue, we thought we’d take a look at the latter crop, because this is a special year for Northern California’s cannabis industry. All signs are pointing to a ballot measure in the November 2016 election that will seek to legalize marijuana, although what that legislation will look like is far from clear. We have entered the last days of prohibition, and we’ll be covering the subject as the clock winds down.

There are a lot of moving parts associated with the cannabis economy and cannabis culture, so this week we decided to talk to some of the players.

We wanted to know: What are your hopes and fears as the state moves to join Colorado, Washington, Alaska and the District of Columbia?

Twenty sixteen is lining up as a turning point for cannabis reform across the country. Numerous states are poised to push legalization efforts. California, with its 40 million citizens and voracious appetite for freedom (and cannabis)—along with large pockets of resistance to such things—stands at the vanguard of the next round of legalization efforts. There are approximately 50,000 cannabis-related businesses in the state and 350,000 workers. California is poised to be the tipping-point for a whole new national policy on marijuana. If it works in California, it may work in New York. And Florida. Texas is another story.

“Peace in Medicine hopes adult use passes,” says Robert Jacobs, founder of the Sebastopol dispensary. “It is clear that public support has increased over time. The fact that this subject is being discussed in presidential debates demonstrates the huge advances made on this issue. We must end the needless prosecution of citizens for growing a plant.”

In what is emerging as a common theme among legalization supporters, he wants to see small-scale growers and operators protected under any new legislation.

It’s one thing for small-population states like Colorado to go legal, quite another for the nation-state of California. California has a roaringly diverse set of interests, some competing, and they all need to put together an initiative agreeable to all parties, even those who aren’t keen on legalization (i.e., statewide law enforcement organizations, which uniformly oppose legalization).

In the meantime, all signs are pointing in the direction of cannabis emerging as a campaign issue this year. If you watched the Republican debate on CNN last week, you now know that Gov. Jeb Bush smoked pot in high school, but his mom is mad at him for saying so. Carly Fiorina clucked that the marijuana of today is pretty potent stuff. And you know that New Jersey governor Chris Christie would shut down the Colorado experiment; he’s promised a renewed federal crackdown on the herb if elected president.

So we are anticipating a heavy convergence of national presidential politics and statewide efforts to free the weed, and we sure hope Hillary Clinton can take a deep breath and inhale the reality: cannabis freedom is emerging as a key civil rights issue over the next few years.
So read on, and let us know your hopes and concerns.—Stett Holbrook and Tom Gogola

Hezekiah Allen

Chairman and executive director, Emerald Growers Association

Hezekiah Allen’s hopes for legalization are clear: “What we’re working to do is end the injustice of prohibition.”

The hard part, he says, is coming up with legislation that makes matters better, not worse.

Any new law must address public safety by drawing a clear line between criminal enterprises and small-scale farmers and businesses, he says. It must regulate and protect environmental resources and clarify the law for small businesses. Getting those things in place is by no means guaranteed with no frontrunner initiative or legislation yet. The worst-case scenario would be two or more initiatives on the ballot, he says. With 50–60 percent support for legalization, competing initiatives could divide the electorate, leading to infighting within the cannabis industry and defeat at the polls.

“We need to win,” Allen says.

He wants any new law to protect the thousands of people who work in California’s cannabis industry. Leaving them out would be disastrous, he says.

“That’s a really bad situation to put small businesses in,” Allen says. “What sort of crisis would we have we created?”

As he sees it, the best way forward is to work within the medical marijuana regulatory framework legislators in Sacramento passed last week, and to make sure any new legislation is consistent with it.

“I think the policy work has been done,” he says.—Stett Holbrook

Omar Figueroa

>Cannabis Lawyer & Craft-Cannabis Advocate

Sebastopol’s Omar Figueroa pins his hopes for any statewide legalization effort on the thousands of mom-and-pop cultivators in the state whose livelihoods now stand in the balance. He hopes that in a legalized cannabis economy, they don’t get screwed by a vertically integrated economy, where might makes right.

“My concern is that these mom-and-pop operators will be pushed aside by big corporate interests,” Figueroa says. “We are already seeing this,” he adds, in the form of big-business dispensaries that can afford the lobbyists necessary to advocate before lawmakers. “Mom and pop are getting left behind. My big-ticket hope would be that we have an initiative that would allow these thousands of mom-and-pop cultivators to thrive under a legalized regime.”

Figueroa has other big dreams. He’d like to see the state lead the way in the creation of a cannabis genetics repository, “where all genetics are stored and accessed and made available for research,” and that it leads the way in the creation of social cannabis consumption, i.e., cannabis lounges.

He also wants any statewide cannabis regulatory package to include local boards comprising elected officials. These cannabis commissioners would reflect transparency in the emergent new weed economy, he says, “but the fear is that instead of having elected officials choosing what laws get enacted, we’d have political appointees engaging in regulatory arbitrage—the making of regulations for the benefit of the few.” —Tom Gogola

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Chief David Bejarano

California Police Chiefs Association

Chief David Bejarano heads the police force in Chula Vista, Calif., and he’s also top dog at the California Police Chiefs Association, a statewide organization whose hopes and concerns over the 2016 legalization of cannabis boil down to: We hope it doesn’t; we’re concerned that it will; and we hope to have a place at the table if it does.

In an interview, Bejarano identifies numerous areas of concern when it comes to cannabis legalization and its intersection with law enforcement; those concerns mirror many of those brought to bear by his organization as they’ve worked closely with lawmakers to come up with chiefs-friendly language in a statewide medical-cannabis policy hashed out by the Legislature this year.

If legalization must happen, says Bejarano, his organization is keyed on public-health concerns, especially among youth whose brains are at risk at an early age; an increase in drug-related DUIs on state roads; and heightened illicit sales if the state sets the cannabis tax so high that it encourages a black market. Which brings up that violent and entrenched Mexican drug cartel that Colorado doesn’t have to deal with, notes Bejarano.

Despite whatever tax boon might come to the state, Bejarano argues that it won’t “offset the social cost of cannabis,” which he says will be paid in the criminal justice and healthcare systems.

“We’re standing side by side with the [California] State Sheriffs’ Association, and oppose legalization,” he says. “But if it’s voted upon by the voters, we have to be at the table to protect public safety, and push for strong regulation. And we should be at the table.”

Bejarano says he hopes that if the state does go legal in 2016, it won’t take 20 years for lawmakers to come up with a statewide regulatory apparatus, as happened with medical cannabis.

He hopes cannabis revenues that can be realized are redirected into healthcare, rehabilitation programs and in nipping back the “higher burden on the enforcement side, especially the drug DUIs. We need more drug-recognition experts. That is the challenge for us. We don’t have enough of these officers.”

Closer to home, I asked Sonoma County district attorney Jill Ravitch for her hopes and concerns over cannabis. A spokesman says she’s not ready to go there yet. “She’s going to choose not to comment on it. As we get closer to legalization, reach out again.”—Tom Gogola

Anonymous Cannabis Grower

Pot growers are not a monolithic group. Some grow outdoors. Some grow inside. Some own their land and others rent. Some have quasi-legal status as suppliers to medical marijuana dispensaries, and others grow for the black market. So how legalization might affect them depends on what kind of grower they are. I spoke with one indoor grower (who requested anonymity) about what his hopes and fears are if legalization comes to pass. His biggest concern: price.

The price for a pound of weed (now about $3,000 to $3,600 for indoor-grown) continues to fall because of growing supply, but also changing techniques out-of-doors. Many outdoor growers now use a technique called light deprivation that involves tarps and hoop houses to compress growing cycles by getting plants to flower sooner and more often. That means that what once was a glut of outdoor-grown cannabis in October and November now gets spread out, eating into the premiums that indoor-grown herb commands outside of the “flood” of the traditional fall outdoor crop harvest.

His other concern is whether new legislation will protect small-scale growers or open the door to deep-pocketed mega-growers who force out little guys like him.

With those factors in play, this grower echoes what many in the industry say: “No one really knows what’s going to happen.”

On the upside, legalization may create greater demand and new opportunities for him. “Colorado ran out of weed when they legalized it. It’s a weird supply-and-demand act people are doing in their heads.”—Stett Holbrook

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Dylan Marzullo

Co-owner, Deep Roots

As the co-owner of a hydroponic growing and gardening supply shop in Santa Rosa and Sebastopol that caters to cannabis growers, Marzullo gets asked about the run-up to legalization all the time.

“That’s the question of the decade,” he says. “I have this conversation at least five times a day.”

He hopes business will stay the same, but if voters approve legalization, he realizes his industry will grow, and with it will come more competition from big retailers like Home Depot and Lowe’s. Those stores already carry some of the soil amendments and fertilizers that Deep Roots carries.

“We’re at the mercy of where the market goes.”

He says he’s carved out a narrow niche, and his edge is know-how and a willingness to deal.

“Big stores are not willing to negotiate on a larger level. They’re asking full retail price for everything.”

He hopes growers will appreciate the role they play in what is, for now, a small, local community.
—Stett Holbrook

Kevin Sabet

Smart Approaches to Marijuana (SAM)

For Kevin A. Sabet, director of the Drug Policy Institute at the University of Florida, co-founder of Project SAM (Smart Approaches to Marijuana) and advisor to three U.S. presidential administrations, the move to legalize weed is all about one thing: money.

“There’s a huge industry that wants to make money off of other people’s problems,” Sabet says by phone, on his way to speak to schools and communities in Hawaii about the risks and effects of “21st-century marijuana”—much stronger than the marijuana of 10 to 20 years ago. “And I’m very concerned about that.”

Sabet founded SAM in 2013 because he was concerned with the false dichotomy of the marijuana debate: that we either have to legalize marijuana or incarcerate people for it. “I thought there were many better, smarter solutions on these two extremes,” he says.

Sabet’s biggest worry, he says, is with the adolescent brain. “My concern is that access and availability and legalization would increase the influence of an industry that’s going to downplay the harms.”

Last week, Sabet spoke to schools in Marin, where he says that many parents were unaware of the negative effects of marijuana, and thanked him for bringing the issues to their attention. “I heard a lot of people saying that this is not an issue that folks want to talk about around here—that this is kind of something that gets slipped under the rug,” Sabet says. “And that it’s really an elephant in the room because, you know, no one starts their heroin addiction putting a needle in their arm, right?”

Learning from Colorado about how the marijuana industry has taken hold should be frightening for Californians, Sabet says, who have taken a strong stance against tobacco.

“I find it particularly ironic when certain people talk about how anti-tobacco they are and anti–tobacco industry, yet they’re OK with sort of rolling out the red carpet for the marijuana industry.”—Molly Oleson

Random North Bay Pothead

Marin County, Somewhere

As if in a dream, I encountered a random North Bay pothead over the weekend. He was wandering around an undisclosed location in West Marin, smoking a joint while eating a plum and reading the latest Bolinas Hearsay News. I approached this man, a wild-eyed hippie in dirty, patched coveralls, as he blew a big puff of smoke in the general direction of capitalism, which random North Bay pothead disdains as a matter of principle.

I approached random North Bay pothead and asked, What are your hopes and concerns when it comes to cannabis legalization in California? To which he responded: “Are you a narc?”

I convinced him I was a reporter on a search for hopes and concerns as they relate to cannabis legalization.

“I’m concerned that you’re walking up to people you don’t even know and asking them dumb questions,” he said. “But I’m hopeful you might join me for a puff of this fine, stanky homegrown, so that we might get to know one another before I answer your questions in a more thoughtful manner.”

Wisps of smoke blew across Elephant Mountain, which we had by then mounted—though the memory is hazy, at best. The man finally admitted from atop the massif, “I’m concerned that when cannabis is legalized, my entire self-generated identity as a West Marin outlaw vagrant will go up in smoke, and I’ll have nothing. I’ll be nothing, nobody. Yet I’m hopeful that I’ll be able to go grab a gram at the Tamalpais Junction 7-11 to go with my Slurpee. That would be cool.” —Tom Gogola

Letters to the Editor: September 23, 2015

Community Response

After the Valley Fire erupted in Lake County last week, local disaster response began to mobilize and raised over $18,000.

In Sebastopol, the locally owned Community Market and Andy’s Market began donation drives, with trucks streaming northward full of disaster relief supplies for Lake County residents. Restaurants held fundraisers. Evan Wiig of the Farmers Guild and the Sebastopol Grange organized a fundraiser in 72 hours, held last Thursday at the Sebastopol Grange.

Chefs pitched in, farmers donated produce, cheese makers donated cheese, dessert makers brought pies and cakes, Strauss Creamery doanted ice cream, and an amazing silent auction was held with seemingly countless donations.

As I watched all these events unfold, it made me reflect on the power of community. Sometimes we feel discouraged because we are unable to turn world events in a good direction. But when this disaster struck, the responses were, and continue to be, amazing. The feeling Thursday night at the grange was beautiful, so many people united in service to those in need. One message I got loud and clear: United, we are powerful. May we remember that and work together more and more.

Sebastopol

Tip Off

Good tip or bad tip (“Going Tipless,”
Sept. 16), owners and management should be more connected to the client in the seat and know whether service and food are good or not. A good server will let management know if there is a problem at the table, even if they are the cause of the problem.

One thing not mentioned in this article is the increased taxation the owners would have to pay. Right now, owners are required to report a minimum of
8 percent of a server’s sales as income. With no tipping, an employer would have to report 100 percent of the income of the server, and would have to match the federal, state, Social Security and Medicare taxes. Higher incomes mean employers pay more taxes. It wouldn’t put them out of business, but it would cut into the bottom line and is not something one can put off paying.

Via Bohemian.com

I read with slight amazement that Peter Lowell’s restaurant in Sebastopol is instituting a 20 percent service charge on each and every ticket and raising the prices 10 percent as well, thus eliminating tipping for servers. As a person who worked in the business for years and now frequents restaurants as a customer, I say phooey to that. It is expensive to eat out, especially if one enjoys good food, but forcing customers to pay a set tip feels manipulative and unfair. It was off-putting getting through all the feel-good philosophical explanations for the overcharging—oh, my bad: principled changes. Perhaps there could be less profit for better wages and benefits, but I digress.

Forestville

Write to us at le*****@******an.com.

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Letters to the Editor: September 23, 2015

Community Response After the Valley Fire erupted in Lake County last week, local disaster response began to mobilize and raised over $18,000. In Sebastopol, the locally owned Community Market and Andy's Market began donation drives, with trucks streaming northward full of disaster relief supplies for Lake County residents. Restaurants held fundraisers. Evan Wiig of the Farmers Guild and the Sebastopol Grange...
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