The Jew and the Lotus

Flower Power

Holy man: Writer Rodger Kamenetz meets the Dalai Lama in The Jew in the Lotus.

Spiritual discovery blossoms in ‘The Jew in the Lotus’

By Patrick Sullivan

AS SPIRITUAL odysseys go, this one’s hard to beat: An emotionally troubled man searching for answers to some of life’s most difficult questions gets a strange invitation from an old friend. He soon finds himself tagging along with a group of Jewish rabbis and scholars traveling to India for a historic meeting with the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people.

The trip has profound personal consequences: It forces him to confront his own indifferently observed Judaism, it tears open scabs covering half-healed emotional wounds, and it ends up changing him forever.

It also gives one hell of a boost to his career as a writer. Rodger Kamenetz’s 1994 book about his experiences in India was a best-seller that struck a deep chord in many Jews, Buddhists, and various unaffiliated seekers of spiritual solace.

Now, director and producer Laurel Chiten has attempted to bring this richly complicated true story to the big screen in the form of a one-hour documentary film, which plays at the Sonoma Film Institute on Friday and Saturday, Nov. 6 and 7.

To make The Jew in the Lotus, Chiten combined video footage from the historic trip with interviews done later with the participants. Thrown into the mix are a voice-over narration by Kamenetz, a little stop-motion animation, and some historical footage of pre-Chinese Tibet. There’s nothing terribly unusual about this formula. In fact, some may wish that the filmmaker had adopted a more daring approach to match her offbeat subject. But perhaps the film’s straightforward method is the best way to tell this unusual story without bogging down in its disparate themes.

Plagued by self-doubts and the chattering neurotic voices in his head, haunted by the recent death of his child and the failure of his book, Kamenetz stumbles into his life-changing trip almost by accident.

“Why was I there?” he asks. “I don’t know.”

But the accidental tourist hops on the plane anyway, joining a distinguished group of eight Jewish leaders representing different strands of the faith, all bound for the subcontinent.

They are going for a meeting of minds with the Dalai Lama, in response to his plaintive request: “Tell me your secret,” come the words from the famous bespectacled face, “the secret of spiritual survival in exile.”

The parallels between the experience of the Jewish people and the plight of the Tibetans are many and obvious. With the Chinese invasion of the 1950s, Tibetan society was suddenly stripped of the Buddhist theocracy that long served as its fundamental organizing principle. Many Tibetans were killed; others (including the Dalai Lama) were driven into exile. Conquest and the diaspora have not been kind to Tibetan culture: The language and religion are practiced by a diminishing number of people, and hope for freedom seems to be fading. Small wonder, then, that the Dalai Lama would seek advice from a culture that has maintained its unique customs in the face of intense persecution for thousands of years.

ONE OF THE BEST (and most bizarre) things about The Jew in the Lotus is the curious contrast between this profoundly important mission, with its weighty social and spiritual implications, and the neurotic self-obsession of the narrator. Every time the film returns to Kamenetz, it seems that he’s discussing himself, even when it’s just to explain how pathetic he is compared to his learned companions.

“I was in a delicate state of mind to be flying halfway around the world: a writer certain he couldn’t write,” Kamenetz explains as he sets off. His wife readily admits to the camera that she found her emotionally tortured husband’s departure a profound relief, “like a weight was lifted from me.” That’s a sentiment the viewer may occasionally feel a bit too much sympathy with, but that fades in time. There’s something oddly appealing about Kamenetz’s naked narcissism, this intense focus on his personal emotional crisis. And quietly, subtly, the film unites the personal story with the ecumenical exchange.

Alongside all the big issues, the film offers a number of incidental visual gems. In one highlight, the camera explores New Delhi and captures the sights and sounds of a city trapped between tradition and modernity. Lovely children walk with huge eyes through dirty city streets, a man with no hands gestures in frantic explanation, a water buffalo placidly occupies the center of a busy street as traffic moves with careful speed around him.

But perhaps it’s wrong to call these shots incidental. Visual talent is surely the director’s gracious gift to this quirky story. Her careful composition and grace with the camera distract us from several flaws. (We wait in vain, for instance, for the Dalai Lama to say more than a few sentences.) In the end, her documentary proves a short but satisfying walk through Kamenetz’s blooming spiritual garden.

The Jew in the Lotus plays at 7 p.m., followed by Twitch and Shout at 8:15, on Friday and Saturday, Nov. 6-7, at the Sonoma Film Institute in Sonoma State University’s Darwin Theater, 1801 E. Cotati Ave., Rohnert Park. Admission is $5, $4 for seniors, $3 for SFI members and kids. 664-2606.

From the November 5-11, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Bread Chef Peter Reinhart

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Rollin’ in the Dough



Bread chef Brother Peter Reinhart on the rise

By Marina Wolf

THE BAKING classroom at the California Culinary Academy in San Francisco is a prosaic affair, crammed as it is with squadrons of industrial appliances hung with 1970s-issue health department propaganda and a dog-eared flyer for a Fleischman’s yeast factory tour.

But when Peter Reinhart begins the demonstration, the room hums with more than refrigerators. Students at the back of the room squint intently into the dented stainless-steel mirror hanging at an angle over the head table, while the lucky front-row dwellers rumple their uniform whites to lean over the countertop and get a closer look. The laserlike focus of the small crowd only seems to energize Reinhart, who rose to fame as bakery owner Brother Peter. Flour and polenta fly over the counter, which might explain why the teacher’s traditional black-and-white checked pants are more of a floury gray in the six inches between the hem of his apron and the floor.

This week, the class is working with a versatile rustic dough that responds perfectly to Reinhart’s trademark long, slow rise. He coddles the floppy dough gently into the short rounded bone shape of a ciabatta, knuckles it ruthlessly into a pizzetta, and drapes it out into a two-foot-long baguette. “When the bread spreads out, it is exposed more to the heat, which drives the moisture out quickly,” says Reinhart. “The roasting of protein and glutens gelatinizes the starches for more intense flavor.” And verily, when the breads emerge from the oven, held gingerly by a serious-faced older woman nearest the bank of 6-foot-wide ovens, they are buttery brown, firm of crust, big of hole, nutty of aroma.

After the class has disposed of the examples, jostling and joking for a drippy piece of pizza, they disperse to their bowls and mixers for individual projects, while Reinhart takes a break at the student cafe, a slightly dusty assemblage of tables and soda dispensers in a balcony overlooking the cavernously elegant dining room of the CCA. The chandeliers seem far from the cafe-casual world Reinhart left behind three years ago when he and wife Susan sold their prize-winning Brother Juniper’s Bakery.

But the affable breadmaker is straddling the juncture of two worlds with even more enthusiasm than ever.

“One of the challenging things for me in this environment is to deliver a very specific curriculum that’s anchored in facts and techniques and at the same time go deep enough with it so that it touches into a level of spirituality that’s subtle and subjective rather than overt,” Reinhart muses, giving an owl-eyed grin. “I call it a back-door philosophy in spirituality.”

REINHART’S approach has always been back-door, as in up the back-porch steps and into the kitchen. The religious community he belongs to, Christ the Savior Brotherhood, urges spirituality through service, and Reinhart’s particular set of skills has led him invariably to serve at the oven, from his stint at a vegetarian cafe to the years at Brother Juniper’s Cafe and Bakery, a venerable Forestville institution that was later memorialized in Reinhart’s second book, Sacramental Magic in a Small Town Cafe (Fairmont, 1994).

But these days Reinhart is using the “front door” more, in a new career-development practice and as a recipe consultant with local food firms. His just-released Crust and Crumb: Master Formulas for Serious Bread Bakers (Ten Speed Press) was originally intended as an anthology of bakers, but ended up focusing specifically on Reinhart’s work, at the publisher’s request. And, of course, there’s the academy, where the unassuming Brother Peter–that’s just plain Peter to civilians–dons a crisp paper hat and a respectful moniker: Chef Peter.

In true spiritual fashion, Reinhart can find cause for rejoicing even in the pressures of increasing expertdom. “I’m forced to learn new things all the time, because people are coming to me for the answers, which is great,” says Reinhart. “It pulls stuff out of me that I might not go after otherwise.

“The one thing about bread that I’ve learned is that it’s almost fathomless how much there is,” he continues. “I’m still finding all sorts of new information, and conflicting ideas and new discoveries.”

Rather than being frustrated by this mystical substance that has defied some of the best minds of food science to explain why it sometimes doesn’t work, Reinhart prefers to explore the path from life, death, and transformation that bread travels. “It’s like a maze,” Reinhart says meditatively. “You get into it deeper and you realize that there’s only one way to get out and that’s to go forward.”

His classes are an important outlet for that creative drive. “We’re always exploring parameters,” he says. “One of the things that keeps it interesting for me, and I think makes it especially interesting for the students, is to push the envelope and see how far we can go.”

Home bakers can be just as devoted to this pursuit as full-time culinary students, says Reinhart, pointing to the participants in his sell-out courses at Santa Rosa Junior College. “The people who come … are into it in a really deep way; they want to know all the secrets.”

THOSE SECRETS to baking good bread are few but crucial: time, temperature, and patience, not only in waiting for the dough’s natural fermentation to dictate when it needs more water or is ready for the oven, but also in learning about bread. “Baking good bread has a lot more to do with feel than it does with the recipe,” Reinhart says firmly. “As you do it more, you start to develop a feel for when dough is just right and when it’s time to take it to the next stage.

“As you develop that sensitivity, everything else pretty much falls into place.”

So it seems all this talk takes a back seat to the satiny feel of a well-kneaded dough or the toasty mouthful of good crust. “When you start out, you think that your words are so effective that they somehow get it through,” says Reinhart, leaning forward slightly to be heard over the bustle of students. “Now I’m finding out that the most effective thing I have is a loaf of bread. I touch people more with the bread itself. I can communicate more through the medium and metaphor of bread than I ever could through just straight principles and philosophy.”

Peter Reinhart’s Nov. 14 class at SRJC, Building a Bread: An Intensive for Serious Bakers, is already full, but you can get on the waiting list for cancellations by calling 527-4371. Another class is planned for the spring, so look for the catalog at the end of November.

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Socially Responsible Investing

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It’s Easy Going Green

In the face of Wall Street’s rough-and-tumble year, socially responsible investing earns newfound respect

By Jeannette Batz

WE WORRY about mucked-up sewage and global warming, cruel sweatshops and child labor. We resent executive salaries that go higher than Zimbabwe’s GNP; we’re tired of companies run deliberately, exclusively by old-guard white males. We know full well that some corporations make an effort to be responsible, whereas others have no qualms about damaging society to make a profit. Yet when it’s time to invest our hard-earned cash, we buy into the very corporations that outrage us the most. It’s not a deliberate choice, of course. Usually we own shares of funds that own shares of companies; by the time the paperwork arrives, the truth’s several steps away. But somewhere along the line we’ve been told it doesn’t matter; the marketplace is amoral, and the bottom line rules absolutely.

Those angered by this conventional wisdom have been trying a different route, one called “socially responsible investment,” or SRI. Until recently, financial experts have treated SRI the way they treat a daffy cousin who wears only hemp products, doesn’t have health insurance, and chugs up to the family reunion in the old, not the new, VW Beetle.

Except this year the cousin showed up in pinstripes, driving a Volvo. She was making good money marketing that hemp. And suddenly it was a lot harder to make fun of her.

Amazing Growth

SRI isn’t new: Church groups were boycotting “sin stocks” in the early 1900s. Pioneer funds have been avoiding alcohol and tobacco stocks since the ’30s. (Free-market types are appalled; they say, and justifiably so, that the unwritten policy should appear in each Pioneer prospectus, alerting investors who might want money in alcohol or tobacco.) Still, the early SRI was more a quiet act of conscience than a collective dialogue with corporate power.

Then came South Africa. As American shareholders began to divest themselves of any connection to apartheid, the economic pressure built into political pressure. Activists began developing a repertoire of economic tactics, from consumer boycotts and rants at annual shareholder meetings (that’s what first prodded Eastman Kodak into hiring more minorities) to community development and explicitly labeled SRI in conscientious mutual funds.

The first, Pax World, started in 1970. Dreyfus Third Century started in 1972, Calvert in 1981, followed by Working Assets, Parnassus, and a host of religious, minority-owned, and other customized funds. Everybody’s agenda was a little bit different; “socially responsible” doesn’t automatically mean progressive Pollyanna; it simply means integrating your own values with your investment decisions.

A consensus did emerge, though, around some basic categories: environmental practices; employee relations (diversity, fair compensation); human rights (sweatshops, child labor); product (safety, quality); military weaponry; nuclear power; alcohol, tobacco, and gambling; community reinvestment.

Those were the issues Kinder, Lydenberg, Domini & Co. considered in 1990, when they developed a socially responsible index to rival the “S&P 500” (Standard & Poor’s yardstick of 500 representative companies, often used as a benchmark to judge a stock’s performance). To select their 400 companies, the Domini Social Index eliminated any S&P 500 company that failed to pass a series of screens. (More than 20 Superfund toxic-waste sites? Off the list. Less than 1.5 percent of pre-tax revenue given to charity? Off the list.) They also added 50 solid companies that hadn’t made the S&P 500, but that had good social records. The result: The Domini Social Index outperformed the S&P 500.

And the ground beneath Wall Street trembled.

Meanwhile, Amy Domini had started the Domini Social Equity Fund, using the Domini index as her “universe” of potential investments. Her fund beat the S&P 500, too.

In April, the Wall Street Journal included Domini in its annual list of the Top 38 large-company mutual funds. In June, Money magazine included Domini in its list of the world’s 100 best mutual funds. Morningstar‘s independent trackers gave Domini their top ranking of five stars. This month’s issue of Dow Jones Investment Advisor, the industry’s largest publication, featured Domini in a startlingly favorable cover story on SRI.

The record performance of a screened fund–and the consequent softening of Wall Street–surprises everybody but the SRI advocates, who’ve been predicting it all along. Domini says social screening steers you toward high-quality growth, favoring companies with strong corporate cultures and visionary management. It also excludes a lot of heavy industrials and natural-resource companies, big oil producers, major paper manufacturers, and tobacco companies, avoiding many problems that drag the companies into court.

The Domini fund is not alone in its success, either. The Social Investment Forum recently reported that more than half of the SRI funds at least two years old had earned top marks from Lipper or Morningstar. SRI rose from $162 billion in 1995 to $530 billion in 1997, a 227 percent surge in just two years. Bankers Trust has even launched a “Wealth with Responsibility” program to teach its richest private clients about SRI.

Talk about a reversal of fortune. “Usually in a bad market, the socially responsible stocks do worse,” says Chris Irvin, an investment executive at the Sonoma office of Piper-Jaffray Inc., a San Francisco-based brokerage house that specializes in socially responsible investments. “Now SRI stocks are holding much tighter than they have in previous down markets. Over the cycle, that represents an out-performance, which answers some of the concerns of institutional investors that are pretty risk-adverse.

“Certainly, the audience and the participation in this type of investment has really broadened,” adds Irvin, noting that negotiations he’s having with a major union pension fund about socially responsible investment wouldn’t even have been possible in previous years.

When Jack Brill, a San Diego investment adviser, wrote Investing from the Heart in 1992, there were 12 recognized SRI funds. Now there are 46. “Even the big brokerage firms are changing,” he remarks. “Merrill Lynch recently alerted its brokers not to bad-mouth SRI anymore; I saw an inside document.”

Intrigued, we call Merrill Lynch’s office without identifying ourselves and ask whether they offer SRI advice. “That’s kind of a difficult question for me to answer,” the broker replies. “There is really nobody I know that specializes in anything that defined. We just get to know each client really well.” And you advise them accordingly? “Oh, most certainly. It wouldn’t make sense to take someone who is 96 years old and put them in something with a seven-year wrap-up.”

Guess he didn’t see that “inside document.”

Clearly, we might need to re-examine the assumptions still held by most Americans, including religious congregations, non-profit foundations, and earnest citizens: (1) that values have no place in the market; (2) that you can’t make money by investing with conscience; (3) that nobody holds the same values anyway, and corporate ethics are too subjective to measure; (4) that any steps toward social responsibility are futile because corporations don’t notice.

That’s the prevailing worldview. And it sure helps explains environmental damage, social inequity, power imbalance, unsafe merchandise, and exploitive marketing.

Myth No. 1: The Marketplace Is Amoral

Money shapes our relationships to nature, health and illness, education, art, government, social justice, science, and each other. It’s our livelihood, our safety net, our passkey to the future. Yet we’ve quarantined it from our values and severed it from anything that touches our spirit. We want our money blamelessly detached from its consequences, and we want our spiritual realm “uncorrupted.”

Money itself is neutral, a form of energy that flows through our society with mixed results. Yet instead of integrating our attitude toward money as thoroughly as money has integrated itself into our lives, we make only a superficial calculus of strategy and return.

The system that results is impersonal and abstract. But the deepest motives of typical investors are not. Some want to make a difference; some want to ensure a decent nursing home; some just want to get the kids through college. The problem is that, with professionals managing your money for you, the consequences get lost in the degrees of separation. Before you know it, your teenager’s college tuition is being financed by profits extracted from the sweat of 9-year-olds in Burma.

And your broker’s defending the high return.

“As a professional, it’s my responsibility to maximize return and minimize risk,” explains Juli Niemann, a St. Louis analyst and portfolio manager at Huntleigh Financial Services. “I am very cold about it. I do not pass judgment on companies. My primary responsibility is the investor. And what it really comes down to is: Yes, I buy Philip Morris. That’s my responsibility.”

Does that mean the $5 trillion or so now invested in mutual funds should be allocated without any thought to moral or social consequences? Most experts still say yes.

So if you owned shares in Dow Chemical, you wouldn’t be complicit in the damage done by Agent Orange? “Well, I don’t think Dow did the dumping,” hedges Philip H. Dybvig, Boatmen’s Bancshares Professor of Banking and Finance at Washington University. “Even with something like Bhopal, it’s hard to know where the responsibility should be placed.”

Even if you can place responsibility squarely on a CEO, Dybvig sees no reason to divest. “You’re not any less responsible because you sell the stock,” he points out, “and if you sell, you’re ensuring that you can’t do anything about it. I think what’s more effective is to write and say, ‘Look, I’m a stockholder and I disapprove of this,’ instead of just defining it out of your universe.”

That opinion is the common coin in the money realm. But what about the curtained-off moral realm? “Let’s say you know with relative certitude that the company is involved in unethical behavior,” says the Rev. Theodore Vitali, an ethicist who heads the philosophy department at St. Louis University. “The only option available to you as a moral agent is to withdraw.”

What about making the company stop? “You are never morally obliged to do the impossible,” he says gently. “You have no voice; you own only a few shares. But at least you can end your complicity by getting out of it.”

Vitali admits that in many instances it’s hard to know what to do; information’s tough to gather and weigh, and often corporations are more responsible than they appear in lurid media accounts. Many Americans don’t even bother trying to find the truth. Some have resigned themselves to a world where you picket for social change and you invest for profit and the two realms never meet. Others sincerely believe corporations should have a free hand. “I meet a fair number of Wall Street types for whom it’s almost a corollary to the right of the individual,” notes Domini.

What bothers SRI activists is that corporations have the rights of individuals when they want them–but as soon as the clock strikes 12, they turn into abstract, untouchable legal pumpkins. That’s why SRI advocates make it a point “to talk about management teams rather than companies,” says Domini. “These decisions are being made by human beings.”

SRI resources.

Myth No. 2: Conscience Costs Too Much

Niemann’s been analyzing and managing investments for 30 years; she’s taught, she’s offered radio commentary, she’s donated her time to advise the Redemptorist Fathers in Denver, the Archdiocese of St. Louis, the Girl Scouts. “I know about SRI and what it costs you,” she smiles, “and it does; it costs you royally.” SRI stocks “tend to be somewhat defensive in nature, defensive against economic downturns. They do beautifully when the market is falling apart. But in the kind of market we’ve had lately, it’s a big cost.”

How big? Depends on how scrupulously you narrow your universe of potential investments. “It is in some ways a vocabulary issue,” says Amy Domini, “because SRI implies for a lot of people the best 2 percent of companies in America. For those of us in the field, it implies the best half. We are not seeking the models of sustainable practices; we are seeking the companies that do the least harm.” The approach, in other words, is more practical than pure. “It makes it more doable,” says Domini. “And it’s not either ‘love them or hate them’; Ben & Jerry’s is your favorite company, or they’re horrible because they let you down. Those kinds of conversations are futile. They do nothing to address the structure of corporate accountability.”

As of June 30, the average total return for Domini Social Equity Fund was 32.96 percent. The S&P 500 average was 29.53 percent. A fluke of mutual funds’ annus mirabilis? Go back three years: Domini averaged 30.33; the S&P 500 averaged 29.82. Even if you measure from Domini’s birth in 1991, the fund comes out only 0.17 beneath the S&P 500.

Skeptics are still reserving judgment. “They’d like to see what happens in a down market,” acknowledges Domini. “So would I. But from July 17 [when stock prices started their erratic descent] through the bottom, Domini has fallen less than the average mutual fund and less than the S&P.”

Domini isn’t a magical exception, either. In the mid-’90s, John B. Guerard Jr., a Wall Street analyst with a doctorate in finance, and associate editor of the Journal of Investing and the International Journal of Forecasting, conducted a coolly quantitative study and reached a shocking conclusion: “Returns in socially screened and unscreened universes do not differ significantly.” Guerard found that if you invested $1 in 1987, unscreened, it would be worth $2.77 by the end of 1994. If you invested your $1 in a screened universe, it would be worth $2.74.

At 3 cents, conscience comes cheap. And it may save society in the long run. “People say you should just invest your money where it’ll make the most,” says Council on Economic Priorities researcher Jonathan Hickman, “but that doesn’t take into account the social and environmental costs. You’re making money at the expense of the environment, and, sooner or later, somebody’s going to have to pay.”

Still, if so many analysts dis SRI, it must mean something, right? “Just means they’re too lazy to look,” quips Brill, the author and investment adviser. “Commission brokers only make money when they make a sale. If they have to take an extra hour to research a portfolio …

“There’s documented proof that you don’t lose money,” Brill resumes. “And between the Domini index and the Citizens index [Citizens narrowed the pool even more stringently and is still getting top results], there are thousands of stocks to choose from. You’ll run out of money long before you run out of socially responsible options.”

As for brokers’ conventional advice–invest amorally for the highest yield and then hand the profits to your favorite charity–Brill chokes on it. “When you own a stock, you are a cheerleader for the company. You want the company to make a profit. So let’s take the issue of tobacco. If you own Philip Morris, you want them to make a profit–therefore, to sell more cigarettes. Does it make any sense to take the profit from Philip Morris and give it to the American Cancer Society?”

Myth No. 3: It’s Impossible to Screen for SRI

Should a health-care foundation own stock in a tobacco company? Should a church own stock in a defense manufacturer? What if the Sierra Club funded its projects with shares of Exxon? What if they traded for stock in whatever oil company rated best on environmental compliance?

Where do you start?

The Council on Economic Priorities is a public-service research organization formed so people can “cast their economic vote as conscientiously as their political vote.” One of CEP’s old reports on Anheuser-Busch notes that “the company’s reported release of toxic chemicals was the worst in the beverage industry in 1989” and tallies five willful violations of occupational safety and health laws. The report also notes, however, that A-B made the most environmentally sound political contributions in their industry; led the nation in using post-consumer waste for packaging; and recycled 600 million pounds of aluminum containers in 1991–all while animal-rights groups were boycotting A-B’s Sea World for damaging marine life.

How do you even begin to sort such a mixed evaluation? “It’s usually an accumulation of things, not one factor,” explains CEP researcher Jonathan Hickman. He looks for patterns, compares companies in a given industry, analyzes historical trends. “There are definitely instances where [irresponsibility] is very pronounced,” he adds. “At Louisiana-Pacific, that was the case. They seemed very unconcerned about what the impact of the company was in any area. Then the former CEO was ousted, and they brought in a new one who purged most areas of management and implemented a lot of [environmental and employee relations] programs very quickly. They’ve made an incredible turnaround.”

People criticize Domini because the fund invests 4.43 percent of its portfolio in Coca-Cola, which has a great record with minorities but makes unhealthy sugar water, and 5.51 percent–its largest single holding–in Microsoft. “We sold when Microsoft went back into South Africa, then stayed out because of antitrust issues,” explains Domini, “but Microsoft’s behavior became more responsible.” She cites the company’s stellar record on employing people with disabilities; offering health insurance to same-sex domestic partners; naming two females as top executives; and so on. In other words, it’s a balancing act, and the variables are weighted. “If you have one woman on your board, it’s a non-event,” says Domini. “If you have none on your board or in top management, that’s a very strong statement, and that puts you in the worst 17 or 18 percent.”

Niemann sighs over these attempts at discernment; personally, she prefers shareholder activism to SRI, and finds some “socially responsible” positions as blurry as a three-martini lunch. “I know organizations who will say you can invest in defensive but not offensive weapons,” she says. “We are splitting hairs here. Is nerve gas defensive? You hit the silly season. And it does not make a difference.”

Still, as a trustee for a Roman Catholic archdiocese, she faithfully watchdogs a portfolio that includes nothing connected with abortion and no offensive weapons of war. “The F-15 is defensive,” she explains, “so we are comfortable with that; we have no problem with McDonnell Douglas. Something like Agent Orange would be verboten. But Dow doesn’t make it anymore, so we’re fine. Tobacco companies are verboten, alcohol manufacturers are not, because alcohol in moderation is fine. The theme is detriment to humanity.”

Myth No. 4: Nice Idea, but You’re Wasting Your Time

Does SRI prevent detriment to humanity? “I think it’s kind of a nice idea, but it doesn’t really help,” says Dybvig. “If a company’s mainline business is something you think should be stopped, then short of buying the company and shutting it down, you are not going to do anything–except lower the price of the shares so someone else can buy them.”

Mike Alderson, a professor of finance, points out that SRI is “like an embargo; it only works if everybody cooperates. And when it comes to something like tobacco, there’s just too much money to be made and too big a demand for the product. The money just isn’t missed.” He pauses. “But it makes people feel good, and there is some value in that as well.”

For Alderson, it’s a throwaway comment. But activists do see value in a clear, happy conscience; in moral consistency, integrity, responsiveness, and a willingness to make some basic demands of those in power. “There are a lot of very sincere people who just don’t buy the notion that giving up is an option,” he concludes. “I’m probably too easily swayed by the argument that I don’t count.”

Niemann does think individuals can make a difference–but by banding together, raising issues, and voting proxies, not by not buying. “Bottom line, the company doesn’t know that you own the stock, nor do they care. If you decide to avoid purchase of something, it doesn’t even measure on the Richter scale. The market is cold.”

Oddly enough, Domini agrees. “The marketplace is amoral. So you have to drop back and say, Why do this? There are two possible reasons. First, for personal or institutional consistency. If I personally have dedicated my life to environmental issues, I am more consistent by not benefiting from corporations that damage the environment. That is the end of the story; you don’t need to justify it further.

“If your goal is to effect social change, though, the question is: Does SRI create social change?” It can, but indirectly and immeasurably. What Domini emphasizes is a more systemic shift. “It’s a misconception that SRI is about punishing companies and making their stock price not move,” she explains. “What it’s about is building a structure of corporate accountability, making socially responsible investors the watchdogs of the corporations.”

When the Domini Social Index compiles company profiles, it sends them to the company for a response, creating “a dialogue where they’re learning something about how we look at them,” Domini adds. Ten years ago, if she called a firm to ask how many women or minorities held executive positions, she would’ve gotten a call back asking why she wanted to know. Now companies are getting used to the questions–and sometimes even preparing for them by changing.

“Some smart person said every major realization of humankind, every new way of being, has first been subjected to ridicule, then feared, then viewed as self-evident,” reflects Domini. “I think we’re pretty early in that cycle. And if the next thing is to be feared, we may be starting.” She rattles off examples of recent (failed) attempts to crack down on shareholder activism and global divestiture.

What she doesn’t mention is the editor’s note in last month’s Dow Jones Investment Advisor. “What really troubles me about the Social Equity Fund is the trend it could represent,” writes editor-in-chief Bob Clark, admitting his personal unease with their cover story on SRI. “Amy and her folks are mostly harmless,” he continues patronizingly, “and, yes, I agree with most of what she stands for. But do we really want people pooling their investing power for the avowed purpose of achieving some specific end, other than making more money?”

Might be refreshing. But Clark throws up one straw scarecrow after another, including “a Ku Klux Klan Aggressive Equity Fund” that would discourage companies from hiring African Americans. His ultimate point? That socially responsible investment is undemocratic.

SRI advocates don’t sense any dangers to participatory democracy; they’re not fazed by the “you don’t make a difference” line, either. In its promotional materials, the Domini Social Equity Fund counters 200 years of laissez-faire resignation with a simple parable: “Thousands of starfish had washed ashore. A little girl began throwing them in the water so they wouldn’t die. ‘Don’t bother, dear,’ her mother said, ‘it won’t really make any difference.’ The girl stopped for a moment and looked at the starfish in her hand. ‘It will make a difference to this one.’ ”

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

P.J. O’Rourke

Chow Time



Satirist P. J. O’Rourke skewers the world in ‘Eat the Rich’

By Greg Cahill

IT’S A STRANGE PLANET. The global marketplace is in flames (remember when we were all supposed to be in awe of Japan’s supposed economic genius?), yet some investment analysts assure us that all is well, leaving ill-informed Americans to piss away their savings on $2,000 Beanie Babies. Go figure.

It makes ya wanna holler.

In recent years, political satirist P. J. O’Rourke–author of such irreverent best-sellers as Holidays in Hell and Parliament of Whores, and a foreign correspondent for Rolling Stone–had been scratching his head over the baffling state of the world’s varied economies. He persuaded his magazine editors to send him out into the world to research some of the globe’s odder political-economic systems (like the nationwide pyramid schemes that toppled the Albanian economy a couple of years ago).

The result is Eat the Rich: A Treatise on Economics (Atlantic Monthly Press; $24), which features on the cover a smugly mugging O’Rourke, knife and fork in hand, about to skewer an elegantly covered meal.

Take it as the first clue that this is going to be a hatchet job.

Granted, this is political satire, right? So we shouldn’t set our sights too high, despite a tongue-in-cheek chapter (“From Beatnik to Business Major”) that includes a somewhat serious explanation of Keynesian theory and supply-side economics that any corner drug dealer can understand.

Also, bear in mind that O’Rourke himself is the strangest of all animals–a moderate Republican with a sense of humor, albeit one with a frat-boy-gone-bad past, employed at one of the world’s hippest rock magazines. That is to say that while he can be deliciously wicked and even downright funny–at least when he’s not being cloyingly cute or self-referential–O’Rourke harbors a fair amount of contempt for foreigners and the poor. And that starts to grate on you after a while.

Back to the treatise. O’Rourke juxtaposes a series of chapters that contrast good and bad economies. The book kicks off with a description of Wall Street as good capitalism–not an exploration of the leveraged buyouts and junk bonds that have cost taxpayers billions, but a guide to the funny polyester jackets that traders wear on the floor of New York Stock Exchange. That’s followed by a chapter that holds up–or places a foot on the neck of–Albania, a former backwater East European socialist state, as an example of bad capitalism. Sweden: Good socialism. Cuba: Bad socialism. And so on.

Unfortunately, there are too many anecdotes about lazy locals and odd customs, and too few economic insights here. For example, as O’Rourke points out, Swedes spend an excessive share of their income for social services. Of course, most Americans get taxed heavily, some live in urban slums that make the Third World look enviable, and none of us get much in return, though apparently the author doesn’t want to dash our image of America as the ultimate example of “good capitalism.”

Suffice to say that O’Rourke is no Michael Moore.

Meanwhile, in O’Rourke’s eyes, Cuba is tantamount to one of those roadside yard sales that leaves you wondering how anyone can have the nerve to display their worst junk in public (though he does relate a roadside rescue experience that shows just how charming the Cuban people can be). And the Russians, well, they’re just a surly bunch.

Strangely, after all this eccentric geo-econo-political musing, O’Rourke gets preachy. He concludes that if we want to make it in the world, we need to put our noses to the grindstone (there’s that creeping Republicanism showing its face) and work harder, respect property rights, and push democratic values. He even concludes that a little economic privation never hurt anyone–heck, the Great Depression even taught America a few lessons about Keynesian theory, he says.

Of course, that glib statement fails to take into account the abject poverty and suffering that swept both urban and rural communities.

O’Rourke’s conclusion: “Everybody in the world could be rich as hell.” Uh huh, if we all had fat book contracts.

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Eclectic Theater Festival

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Alt Acts

Raw talent: Jereme Anglin and Jennifer Hirst star as Romeo and Juliet in The R&J Project at the Cinnabar Theater’s Eclectic Theater Festival.

Eclectic Theater Festival offers wide range of talent

By Patrick Sullivan

SLAPSTICK MIMES, provocative new takes on Shakespeare, tragicomic vaudeville, and a confessional monologue about being a middle-aged heterosexual male: Just what the heck is going on at the Cinnabar Theater? The five productions about to hit the stage at the venerable Petaluma playhouse clearly aren’t the sort you see every day.

But you can see them every year, thanks to the annual Eclectic Theater Festival, which begins its third installment on Nov. 5. The brainchild of Cinnabar’s Lucas McClure, the festival has one overriding goal–to avoid the ordinary.

“My philosophy is that there’s no real reason to do it here if it’s already being done somewhere else,” says McClure. “That’s really my only stipulation: It needs to be an original work, or a classic presented in a new light, a reinterpreted work.”

The wild ride began three years ago when McClure was looking for a place to perform a newly completed theater piece. He rented out the Cinnabar for a weekend, and then discovered that the physical comedy duo Evans and Gianotta were also interested in performing locally. McClure brought the duo on board, and the newly christened Eclectic Theater Festival was born to a small but enthusiastic reception. Year Two saw more acts and bigger crowds. Now the Cinnabar itself has gotten in on the act, co-producing this year’s event with McClure, who has also become the theater’s publicist.

More than mere diversity packs theater seats during the month-long event. The festival attracts a bevy of big-name talents who keep coming back for more. Repeat performers this year include such notables as Evans and Giannotta, off-the-wall “Kipper Kid” Brian Routh, and award-winning New York actor and monologist Jan Munroe. What brings these folks to Sonoma County? McClure says the Cinnabar’s unique atmosphere plays a part.

“They love the theater,” McClure says. “Virtually anyone who comes here feels this ambiance. It’s hard to put your finger on it. There’s an energy, a feeling that Cinnabar has that is magical.”

According to the performers themselves, the festival is a good opportunity to test-drive new pieces. For some, it even serves as a creative kick in the pants.

“I’m always looking for a reason to do new work,” says Jan Munroe, speaking in his made-for-the-stage gravelly voice from his mother’s home in Florida. “But I’m the type of artist who really needs a date to complete something. … The festival is a chance to kind of test things out.”

Munroe’s long career is a study in diversity: He trained with French mime artist Marcel Marceau, moved into off-the-wall performance art in Los Angeles with the Mystic Knights of the Oingo Boingo (other members of which later formed the band Oingo Boingo), went on to win 11 L.A. Weekly and Drama-Logue awards, and has appeared in such films as The Grifters and A Few Good Men.

Festival schedule.

Of late, Munroe has been making his mark with personal monologues, such as his award-winning Nothing Human Disgusts Me, a piece about family dynamics that he performed last year at the Eclectic Theater Festival. He says one-person shows are a tricky but rewarding art form.

“Let’s face it: There’s no one out there but you, and you’re the one who’s going to look like a total idiot if it goes wrong,” he says with a deep chuckle. “You don’t have any fellow cast members to fall back on if you forget your lines or something. It can be a very frightening thing to have to do. I think most actors should do one, though, just to have gone through that experience.”

Munroe will soon be winging his way back to Petaluma to give festival audiences the first look at the latest version of his new piece, a humorous take on the aging process called Confessions of a Middle-Aged, White, Heterosexual Male (Just the High Points).

“It’s a joke title in a way,” says Munroe. “Everybody’s doing a confession of this and a confession of that, and I just wanted to play on that. Ultimately we’re all dealing with the same human conditions, no matter what people’s choices are as far as their lifestyle goes.”

Of course, not all the acts at the Eclectic Theater Festival are from out of town. The local newcomer is The R&J Project, a new spin on Romeo and Juliet. Director Jennifer Hirst (who also plays Juliet) has seen dozens of productions of the famous Shakespearean tragedy. To Hirst, a former ballet dancer, there was something missing in many of them.

“Quite often I’ve seen this play staged and Romeo and Juliet barely look at each other–they never even touch,” says Hirst. “I just said, ‘Wait a minute, that’s not right.'”

So she decided to bring a new focus to the classic love story by concentrating on the movement of the characters. Audiences shouldn’t expect to see ballet; the production simply uses movement to highlight the character’s emotions and interactions.

“I’m trying to get those relationships to become more clear, more solid,” Hirst says. “Sometimes I feel we get lost in the words. They are very beautiful words, but we need to see the relationships too.”

The play’s cast includes both actors with no dance experience and professional dancers, and Hirst credits her players for their openness to this new take on the theatrical standard. But will audiences be as flexible? How will Shakespeare buffs respond to a one-hour version of the three-hour play?

“Gee, I would love to know that,” Hirst says with a laugh. “I think if you’re a traditional Shakespeare buff and you’re waiting for this line or this character, you may be disappointed. But this is a new way of telling the story, of telling it efficiently, without a character delivering a page and a half of monologue. … We get to know these people very briefly, and then the candle blows out.”

If The R&J Project is provocative, then the other festival piece that focuses on the Bard is positively scandalous. In a last-minute addition to the event, English actor Rob Clare, formerly with the Royal Shakespeare Company, will perform his piece Aye, Shakespeare! The play is about Edward de Vere, the 17th Earl of Oxford, who some believe was the real author of Shakespeare’s plays.

Festival organizer McClure says Clare’s arrival this year in Sonoma County is a happy accident resulting from a nearby performance. But the festival’s pull is strong, and the English actor has already agreed to return in ’99 to do a Sam Shepard piece.

Those aren’t the only plans McClure has for next year’s festival. He also hopes to do Samuel Beckett’s End Game, and he invites community participation as well. The appetite for challenging theater is strong, he says, and he thinks it’s growing.

“It’s a small but loyal crowd right now,” McClure says. “But we’re hoping to branch out and bring in new audiences and let people know that this is happening right here in their back yard. They don’t have to go to the city–you can see world-class theater right here.”

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Talking Pictures

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[ | ]

Spell Bound

By David Templeton

For over five years, writer David Templeton has been taking interesting people to interesting movies in his ongoing quest for the ultimate post-film conversation. This week, he conjures up a rendezvous with Wiccan High Priestess Phyllis Curott, to see Practical Magic, the new movie about love, sisterhood–and witchcraft.

“Well, I think it’s time for some practical magic,” declares Phyllis Curott, matter-of-factly. She’s referring not only to the new film Practical Magic–almost 25 minutes late owing to technical problems in the projection room–but also to … well, to actual magic.

Phyllis Curott, you see, is a witch. And at this moment, a bit of witchcraft could do nothing but help.

The true meaning of “witchcraft,” according to Curott and thousands of other modern day Wiccans–i.e., followers of the ancient pre-Christian religion of the Goddess–has nothing to do with the occult or the supernatural, and everything to do with connecting: establishing an intuitive link between all involved–animal, vegetable, or mineral–and filling that connective channel with a blast of positive, healing energy.

Or something. Frankly, I’m still working out the specifics.

While I do that, Curott–a successful East Coast lawyer who once fought the city of New York (successfully) to allow Wiccan “clergy” to perform legal marriages–leans casually back in her seat, closes her eyes, takes a deep breath–and lets it s-l-o-w-l-y out. She opens her eyes and flashes a bright, buoyant grin; 90 seconds later, the movie begins.

Just like magic.

Based on the novel by Alice Hoffman, the film stars Sandra Bullock and Nicole Kidman as Sally and Gillian Owens, two sisters who–like generations of Owens women before them–are witches. There is plenty of magic afoot, though the far subtler magic of the book is often intruded upon by noisy special effects and horror-show theatrics.

And even though it perpetuates some of the myths that have plagued Wiccans since the Catholic Church declared war on the Old Religion in the Middle Ages–witches are genetically unique beings able to pass their powers on from mother to daughter; witches dabble in zombie-making and the occasional animal sacrifice–the film does make some giant strides away from the hackneyed notion of witches as dangerous, child-devouring, Satan worshipers. The Owens women, while undeniably eccentric, like the marvelously offbeat aunts played by Diane Wiest and Stockard Channing, are clearly a force of goodness in the world; a family whose greatest power is their love of life–and of one another.

“I swear, some people are very disappointed when I tell them that witches are not evil and we don’t cast spells on people,” Curott laughs, bounding along the sidewalk in search of lunch after the movie. “People really want to believe that we have those powers. They want to be scared.”

Spying a nearby bookstore, we abruptly change course and go inside. Curott wants to see if they carry her brand-new memoir, Book of Shadows: A Modern Woman’s Journey into the Wisdom of Witchcraft and the Magic of the Goddess.

They have the book.

“Eight copies!” she sings, and gleefully offers to autograph each one. “It’s my first book,” she tells the manager. “I get excited every time I see a stack of them in a store.”

“Well then,” he replies, “we’ll have to make sure these are displayed out in the open.”

Grinning, she glances over at me and mouths the word “magic.”

Book of Shadows is a first-person account of Curott’s journey from skeptical rationalist to goddess-worshipping witch (she’s now a high priestess and president emerita of the oldest and largest organization of Wiccans in the world). It’s an emotionally satisfying, riveting read, arguably the best–certainly the most unusual–memoir of the year. One might even be tempted to call it “bewitching.” Which brings us to the subject of …

Bewitched,” Curott laughs, after we’re seated and food has been summoned. “We can’t underestimate the influence of that show. Goddess spirituality is currently the fastest-growing movement in the United States. And I swear it’s in some measure due to the fact that we were all sitting around when we were 8 years old watching Bewitched and going, ‘If I had those powers I wouldn’t let Darrin keep me in the broom closet.’

As for Practical Magic, “It wasn’t bad,” Curott pronounces. ” It’s a love story, and love is the greatest magic. There was absolutely no discussion of the goddess, of course, but there was some truthful magic in the film. That wonderful scene where the two sisters are lying in bed, and they have that conversation, and Nicole is looking at Sandra, whose eyes are closed, and she mouths the words, ‘I love you’–and Sandra, with her eyes still closed, says, ‘I love you too, Jellybean.’

“That’s magic. That’s how it works. It’s a heightened sensitivity to the connection between people.”

Doesn’t sound scary at all.

“In fact, it’s necessary,” she goes on. “I really believe we have tremendous wisdom to offer. Right now the earth is in trouble because of the abuse humanity has heaped upon it–but our religion understands that the planet is sacred, that it’s the embodiment of the divine. One could make the point that Wiccan practices are almost critical to the survival of the planet.

“There’s a reason that there’s been such a powerful rebirth of Goddess spirituality, and a return to indigenous traditions. It’s like the Wiccans are standing at the edge of a cliff, with technology pushing everyone closer and closer to the edge, and we’re saying, ‘Go back. Go back.’

“The politicians can’t make up their mind how to save us,” she concludes. “The religious leaders can’t save us, because they’re working out of the old patriarchal models that brought us here in the first place.

“What we do helps you feel the sacred in your bones, to experience the sacred in yourself, to experience the world. And once you’ve made that connection, everything shifts and flows from there. It’s the magical moment in which everything–everything–changes.”

Back outside, retracing our steps past the bookstore, we can’t resist taking a peek inside to see if any of the books had been discovered while we ate lunch. There are now six copies; the store sold two in the last 45 minutes. Curott all but dances on the sidewalk. “This is so exciting!” she laughs.

She doesn’t say it’s magic, this time.

But we both know it is.

Web extra to the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

North Coast State Senate Campaign

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Mudfest

Michael Amsler



The North Coast state Senate campaign gets pricey, dicey, and a little strange

By Janet Wells

HAVING TROUBLE wading through your mail these days? It’s that time of year again, and the race for the North Coast state Senate seat is doing the lion’s share of clogging the mailbox. Indeed, the 2nd State Senate District race between Republican John Jordan and Democrat Wes Chesbro has evolved into a big-spending, name-calling campaign almost bizarrely devoid of substantive issues.

Between them Chesbro and Jordan have spent nearly $5 million parrying with one another, proffering mailers that are glossy, overabundant, and tabloid-esque. That figure is nearly twice as much as congressional candidates Frank Riggs and Michela Alioto spent in the 1996 election, and is nearing a state record, all for a $99,000-a-year job that falls under a four-year, two-term limit.

By contrast, the third-party challenger, Peace and Freedom candidate Brian Garay, has raised less than $1,000 and was incommunicado for two months, serving a jail term for petty theft and possession of drugs.

Jordan, the 26-year-old Healdsburg resident and heir to his father’s Indonesian oil and Alexander Valley winery fortune, has replaced political experience with chutzpah, relying on tactics usually reserved for national politics. He has raised $2.9 million, most of it loans and contributions from himself and his father, Thomas Jordan. And he’s spent it in some unusual ways. There are his “Happy Birthday” campaign coupons in which he offers potential voters free coffee at his Coddingtown cafe. There are slick jingles on every local radio station, and billboards along Highway 101. There is an aggressive phone-bank program that is reaching out and touching annoyed voters up to four times each. There’s the story about Jordan’s alleged surreptitious offer to help bankroll a third-party candidate to suck votes away from his Democratic opposition.

And there’s that widely publicized botched surveillance incident. Last August, in an attempt to show that Chesbro maintains his primary residence outside of the district, Jordan campaign operative Andrew Andersen stalked Dannel Ward, a Sacramento woman he mistook for Chesbro’s wife, scaring Ward and leading to a storm of protests from female political leaders on the North Coast.

“It’s gotten a little out of hand,” says Sonoma State University political science professor Don Dixon. “It seems like what you’ve got is a fairly strong Democratic candidate and a relatively weak, unknown Republican who is essentially trying to blur the partisan advantage by not campaigning as a Republican, but on these ostensibly personal issues.”

Jordan’s campaign has issued fairly standard attack pieces on Chesbro. The notable oddity about Jordan’s strategy is that it seems to mention his Democratic opponent far more often than himself. “I think whoever is advising Jordan is taking money under false pretenses,” says Dixon, referring to the Sacramento consulting firm Wayne C. Johnson & Associates, which has received more than $400,000 from the Jordan campaign. “[These are] some of the poorest examples of campaign pieces I’ve seen in 35 years.

“[The campaign] confuses name recognition,” Dixon adds. “The pictures Jordan has of Chesbro are better than some of the pieces Chesbro has. I look at the Jordan pieces and think, ‘Chesbro looks like a nice man, I’ll vote for him.’ And people think [Jordan’s] radio jingle is for Chesbro. Whoever is advising Jordan not only misreads the North Coast, but is technically incompetent.”

CHESBRO isn’t exactly above the fray, spending almost $1.3 million of his $2.1 million war chest on a barrage of counterattack and attack campaigning of his own. “The interesting thing is that Chesbro felt he had to respond,” Dixon says. “My guess is that the pressure on him from the campaign consulting types had to be ‘Hit back when you’re hit with smear pieces, and hit back on a personal level.'”

Jordan started his bid for state Senate way back in 1996, raising $20,450 that year. He apparently started reaching into his arsenal of hardline campaign tactics almost as far back. Al Liner, a Peace and Freedom candidate for state Assembly in 1996, says Jordan invited him to lunch in the spring of 1997 and asked if he was going to be running for the state Senate seat in 1998. At that time, it was assumed that the Democratic candidate for the seat would be Valerie Brown, Liner’s formidable opponent in the ’96 Assembly race.

“[Jordan] said that he would get people to contribute to my campaign, and would see to it that I got invited to every debate and was flown in his private plane to all the debates,” says Liner, a Santa Rosa wine marketer.

Jordan, Liner alleges, assured him that he could help raise $20,000 to $25,000 for Liner’s campaign, more than 10 times the amount Liner spent running unsuccessfully against Brown two years ago. Why? In exchange for the well-funded opportunity to put the Peace and Freedom party platform before the voters, Liner would help Jordan by siphoning votes from the Democratic opposition.

At a second lunch, Liner says he told Jordan he thought the offer was “inappropriate.”

“I told him that if this conversation got out, this kind of stuff is not OK,” Liner recalls. “If I took the money and anybody ever found out, this is the type of thing that ends campaigns.”

Jordan’s response, according to Liner, was that “‘it’s not against the law,’ that he’d get a bunch of people to donate $99 apiece,” thereby circumventing the campaign disclosure law, which requires itemization of donations of $100 and up.

“I said, ‘That’s not the point. It’s the morality that’s the point,'” Liner says.

Through his campaign spokesman Brian O’Neel, Jordan acknowledges that he did invite Liner to lunch, to Gary Chu’s restaurant in Santa Rosa, but it was only to secure Liner’s endorsement, which he declined to grant.

“Why would John need to pay $25,000 when there is always going to be a Peace and Freedom candidate anyway?” asks O’Neel, adding that he and Jordan theorized two “most likely scenarios” for Liner’s story: “Al is realizing, for whatever reason, that John Jordan could very well get in–and who will represent his beliefs better?–or Wes Chesbro has put this guy up to it,” O’Neel says.

“I don’t think that Wes has got that silly, but I wouldn’t put it past him.”

Chesbro had nothing to do with Liner, he says, but he apparently is well aware of the impact third-party candidates can have on a race. Earlier this year, Chesbro asked Peace and Freedom Party Central Committee member Toni Novak if there was any chance that candidate Brian Garay would drop out of the race. “I presume that he thought that as a party official I would have some influence,” says Novak, adding that she did not take his question seriously. “It was an absurd comment, so I treated it as an absurd comment.”

“It was not direct interference; it was more along the lines of wishful thinking.”

USING a minority-party candidate to split the majority-party vote is far from unusual, Sonoma State Professor Dixon says: “There’s lots of evidence that the Nixon forces supported McGovern forces in the primary. The Greens are bankrolled by the Republicans in many instances to try in a marginal district to split the vote.”

But influencing a candidate to withdraw from a race or offering money directly to someone to become a candidate would violate the state’s Election Code, says Alfie Charles, spokesman for the Secretary of State’s Office. “There’s no prohibition on offering to help somebody raise campaign funds,” he says. “It’s a political tactic, a campaigning decision.”

Jordan’s campaign managers acknowledge that while the initial approach against Chesbro was a negative blitz, the late-campaign strategy is to lighten up. The “Greetings from Sacramento” billboards referring vaguely to Chesbro’s residential status have been replaced by straight-ahead ads with Jordan’s clean-cut picture and catch-all phrases about excellence and education.

The coupons for coffee simply are meant “to show not only that John is a good choice politically, but that he’s a good man,” O’Neel says. “We’re getting more positive. Now that we’ve established who our opponent is, we can put out who John is. It’s not enough to give someone reasons to vote against the other guy; you have to give them reasons to vote for you.”

It seems–given the abysmally low voter turnout predicted–that neither candidate is offering much more than a protest choice against his opponent.

“I’ve gone to my mailbox every day this week, and I’ve had something every day from both Jordan and Chesbro. It’s the same rhetoric. It’s the same glossy paper,” Liner says. “The difference between the Republicans and the Democrats is that the Republicans will look at you if you’re not one of them and say, ‘We’re going to screw you and laugh about it.’ The Democrats will say, ‘We’re going to watch the Republicans screw you and feel real bad,'” Liner adds.

“The issue is that this is about a system where winning is more important than leading.”

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Dog Pound

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Reality Check

By Mad Dog

LIFE IS GETTING simpler all the time, thanks to machines, inventions, and gadgets. We all love them. Well, all except maybe Ted Kaczynski, who would have, had the mailman been able to locate that remote cabin in Montana when he had the new Sharper Image catalog to deliver, causing Ted to fall in love with a titanium-graphite paper clip holder with variable-speed automatic ejection.

This would have led him to see the technological light and throw his manifesto into his RoboBlender 4000, changing the course of history forever.

Machines exist to make things happen quicker and more efficiently. Inventions let us automatically do things we could never do before. And gadgets, well, they serve no real purpose other than to make money for the company putting them out while using up precious drawer space and disappearing that one time in our life when we could actually use them.

There are two schools of thought when it comes to creating new inventions. First, there’s the kitchen-gadget school, which says you need a separate utensil to perform each task, no matter how small, mundane, or easily it can be done using an existing tool. That’s why yuppie kitchens have drawers and walls filled with things like lemon peelers, hard-boiled-egg piercers, nut choppers, potato-chip bag openers, and corn-on-the-cob butter holders, all chores that can very easily be done with a good old knife.

Then there’s the other school of thought: Consolidate everything we own into one unit. NCR Corp., a company that started out making cash registers and now prefers to just hear them ring, recently showed a prototype appliance in London called the Microwave Bank. Calling this an appliance is like calling Sybil a personality.

The Microwave Bank is a combination microwave oven, ATM, television, and computer. It looks just like a regulation microwave oven except for the 10-inch liquid-crystal screen built into the front door that shows reruns of Ally McBeal instead of what you have cooking inside, which is probably the reheated McDonald’s special of the month, the Ally McVeal.

It will pay bills, keep track of your shopping list, search the Web for recipes, and ruin any piece of meat you put in it. This result of 20th-century corporate drug-sniffing is either voice activated (“Find porn”) or can be used with a touch screen that shows a virtual keyboard (“Fidn pron”). This means that at the touch of a finger you can check the TV listings, locate a cooking show that suits your mood, and then follow along, making the same dish they are. Well, as long as they’re preparing a Weight Watchers frozen dinner.

The Microwave Bank (advertising slogan: “Tune in, turn on, turn it over”) makes more sense than you might think. After all, most homes these days already have a TV in the kitchen, and counter space is quickly going the way of a nutritious home-cooked meal. Then there’s our free time, which is more precious than double frequent-flier miles the day before going on vacation.

Think about it. If we can combine our daily TV watching, cooking, and sex-chat-room time using this appliance, I figure we’d have 30 minutes of extra time each day in which to ponder the important things in life, like whether anyone cares what the hemlines will be like this spring. That works out to an extra three and a half hours a week, 7.6 days a year, and a whopping one and a half years during an average lifetime. When word about this gets out you can expect NCR to petition the Food and Drug Administration to allow them to put stickers on the boxes screaming: “Live Longer with Microwave Bank!”

This is only the beginning. If this catches on we can expect to see other companies climbing on this multi-appliance bandwagon. Look for Chop! Chop!, a combination food processor, chainsaw, and electric shaver. The new A-Ford-Able will be a car/ATM/ back-massager that makes paying your auto mechanic a less painful experience. And it’s a safe bet G.E. will come out with Mr. Coughing, the combination coffee maker, vaporizer, and home security system that takes care of all kinds of drips.

It doesn’t get any better than this.

From the October 29-November 4, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Talking Pictures

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Spirit of the Past

Ghost story: Danny Glover and Oprah Winfrey star in the film version of Beloved.

Opal Palmer Adisa discusses ‘Beloved’

By David Templeton

For over five years, writer David Templeton has been taking interesting people to interesting movies in his ongoing quest for the ultimate post-film conversation. His guests have included Joan Baez, John Wesley Harding, Walter Mosley, Cynthia Heimel, and Allan Dershowitz. Today, he meets the highly regarded Jamaican author and educator Opal Palmer Adisa to discuss the cinematic adaptation of Nobel Prize-winner Toni Morrison’s Pulitzer Prize-winning ghost story, Beloved.

I COME FROM A CULTURE, from Jamaica, where ghosts are real,” explains Opal Palmer Adisa. “In my culture–in fact, in many antecedent black cultures–for one to be visited by one’s ancestors is not a far-fetched thing at all. So, to a black person, Beloved will be very credible.”

I am speaking with Adisa over lunch at a tiny Mediterranean cafe in San Francisco–but I am clearly not the only one listening to her. All around us, people have ceased their conversations, turning their eyes to our table and their ears to Adisa’s soft-spoken words; the cafe owner, even, seems to be always hovering within earshot. At one point, he turns down the boisterous, piped-in music, apparently to reduce its competition with Adisa’s voice–a mellifluous blend of lilting Jamaican cadence and the commanding tones of a poet and teacher skilled at holding people’s attention.

Adisa is the author of several books, including a magical, enthusiastically reviewed first novel, It Begins with Tears (1997)–a story of love and family in which spirits, sure enough, play a potent part–and the award-winning poetry collection Tamarind and Mango Women (1993). A popular lecturer and storyteller, Adisa teaches at the California College of Arts and Crafts, where she chairs the Ethnic Studies/Cultural Diversity program. She has long been a champion of Toni Morrison’s Beloved; first released 11 years ago, the story of Sethe–an escaped slave who is literally haunted by her past–went on to receive a Pulitzer Prize. It has now been turned into a film by Oscar-winning director Jonathan Demme (Philadelphia, Silence of the Lambs), and is produced by and stars Oprah Winfrey.

Though Adisa found a few things to quibble with in the film–including the somewhat demonic depiction of Beloved, the young woman who may or may not be the grown-up ghost of Sethe’s long-dead child–she nevertheless found it to be an enormously moving film. “It was powerful to me. I want to see it again,” she says, with a nod. And if the filmmakers allowed a bit too much of The Exorcist to seep into Morrison’s post-Civil War epic, well, “That’s Hollywood,” she shrugs.

“In Jamaican culture, the spirits act as messengers. They are our guides,” she explains, returning to the subject of ghosts (and if she is aware of the attention her words are attracting, she does not reveal it). “If you are on a path that they feel you shouldn’t be on, that’s not good for you, the spirits are going to ‘dream you,’ as my mother would say. She’d wake up one morning and say, ‘Oh, my mother dreamt me last night,’ and that was her mother, who was dead since she was 10, who was dreaming her and telling her something that she needed to know, either about herself or about one of us kids.”

“But this subject is not just about being visited by your dead child,” she points out. “It’s about slavery, which many people, black and white, don’t want to deal with, don’t want to think about. I can only speak for me, but I was very conscious, as I was watching Beloved, of being a black person, with slavery as part of my heritage in the New World. And what I saw were some of the things we’ve lost, the way in which we’ve lost a sense of connectedness to each other, a sense of affinity with the land. The film, with its scenes of nature, or the season’s passing, seemed very much rooted in the earth to me, in a way that I think the majority of blacks are now rooted in urbanization.”

ADISA thinks of Baby Suggs (played by Beah Richards), the rural Ohio preacher woman whose informal woodland church services drew hundreds of former slaves eager for the healing power of her words.

“When Baby Suggs stands there on that rock and says, ‘Love your hands,’ and for the movie to end with her saying, ‘Love the beat of your heart,’ that was so powerful to me. That was, like … God! I want black people to hear that.”

“To me the greatest tragedy of slavery is that it’s something that we don’t talk about, because we don’t understand what we lost as a result of surviving it. As a people. We’ve lost a great part of our humanity, of our own selves. I really believe that. We lost the sense that our hands, or our feet, the beat of our heart, our entire being was valuable. That we are valuable.”

Adisa mentions the Monument Project. Organized out of Washington, D.C., the project aims to establish the first national monument to those who lived and died as American slaves. It is set to be unveiled next July.

“I’ve been saying for years,” Adisa goes on, “that part of the problem with black people, diasporically, is that we have no monument for slavery. Until we pay homage to the sacrifice of the slaves, then we are forever going to be in a state of confusion. I truly believe that. I don’t think we as a people have ever dealt with the onslaught of slavery. We have yet to begin to heal from it. We’ve just buried that part of ourselves.

“The thing that most black people don’t want to hear is that, in a sense, we accepted slavery. We did not decide, like the Caribs in the Caribbean, that we would rather be annihilated as a people than become anyone’s slaves. For the most part, we took another route. The majority of us decided that it was better to be slaves–to go on living and see what was around the bend. And so we have to wrestle with it, having made that decision–and having survived it.”

“And Sethe, in taking Beloved into her house, allows us to do that,” she smiles, brightly. “She demonstrates for each of us, individually, as black people, to look at the decisions we have made–and that we continue to make–in terms of where we are, who we are, what we do, and what we don’t do.”

“And this film reminds us, too,” she adds, her words gliding to a close, “that as we do that, we must love ourselves. We must love the beat of our own hearts.”

From the October 22-28, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Proposition 9

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Zapped!

Prop. 9: Election decides fateof electrons, equity

By Juliane Poirier

JOHN GARN of Graton is miffed–that’s why he’s voting yes on Proposition 9. “I’m not going to keep bailing out PG&E’s stockholders,” says Garn. “If they invested in nukes when everyone says it was bad, why shouldn’t they have to pay?” Garn, 41, was a Sonoma State University activist in the early 1980s who joined thousands of demonstrators protesting nuclear power at the PG&E Diablo Canyon nuclear facility–a controversial project estimated at $850 million but that ended up costing $5.5 billion, including construction errors of which one alone cost $100 million to correct.

Those costs were passed along to ratepayers, which is one of the reasons why Californians pay more than the national average for their electric power. It’s also one of the reasons that consumers were able to get their initiative on the Nov. 3 ballot.

What Prop. 9 offers to ratepayers like Garn and his wife, Shari–who protested construction of the San Onofre nuclear power plant–is the opportunity to stop paying for uneconomical (and what the Garns believe are hazardous and unethical) nuclear investments, along with other utility debts now collected as so-called competition transition charges, also called stranded costs.

Prop. 9 also provides for a 20 percent utility rate drop, effective immediately. Although the utility-funded campaign against Prop. 9 claims that rates will go up, an independent analysis by the California Energy Commission estimates that if the initiative passes, rates would drop as much as 32 percent.

Still, public opinion polls show voters oppose Prop. 9 by a 2-to-1 ratio, though 36 percent remain undecided.

A top PG&E executive would not go on record for this article, but is referring reporters to the No on 9 campaign, of which 99 percent is funded by the utility monopolies. One critic suggested that PG&E won’t directly associate with No on 9 because of the negative public image the utility has in Northern California. Other groups are representing the utility’s interests in the campaign. Whatever the reason, the No on 9 campaign is outspending proponents of the ballot initiative by a 30-to-1 margin. No on 9 campaign funds came from the three investor-owned monopolies: PG&E gave $13.6 million; Edison International, $13.2 million; and San Diego Gas & Electric and parent company Sempra Energy, $2.9 million.

Indeed, No on 9 campaign money has found its way into the pockets of some unusual backers. Recipients of utility funds include consumer advocate David Horowitz’s Fight Back Inc., which received $106,000; the California Chamber of Commerce, which received $27,000 (in addition to over $500,000 received last year from the three utilities); and Jerry Merel’s Planning and Conservation League, which received $70,000 for the Prop. 7 campaign–now called “Yes on 7, No on 9” Perhaps most incriminating of all is $39,000 paid to a film production company owned by state Sen. Steve Peace, R-San Diego, who was instrumental in securing passage of AB 1890, the legislation that is now being challenged by Prop. 9.

While AB 1890 protected the interests of large power users and the three investor-owned utilities, legislators dispatched their civic obligations with: a public “education” program, which turned out to be more like a complacency campaign, promoting a confusing message about deregulation (the $73.5 million contract went without bid process to a Los Angeles advertising firm with reported ties to Gov. Pete Wilson); and a 10 percent rate cut funded by bonds that ratepayers were forced to finance. After the bonds are finally paid off in 2008, the actual rate reduction amounts to somewhere between 1.5 and 2.5 percent.

The No on 9 campaign claims that, should Prop. 9 pass, financial responsibility for the rate-reduction bonds will fall to taxpayers rather than investors; but Metropolitan West, the consulting firm that claimed this outcome, earned $103,974 from the utilities.

Bill Dumbrowski, president of the California Retailers Association, represents a segment of the large energy users opposed to Prop. 9. He does not agree with Prop. 9 proponents who describe the utilities’ stranded-cost collections as a form of “corporate welfare.” Neither does he consider it unfair that small ratepayers should be responsible for utility debt, even for nuclear power.

“That [idea of corporate welfare] is totally ridiculous,” says Dumbrowski. “All the nuclear plants were approved by the PUC.”

He explains that if AB 1890 hadn’t come to pass, we would have simply “kept on paying for [nuclear plants].” Dumbrowski sees AB 1890 as allowing an accelerated collection of charges that “gives us a date when [stranded costs] will go away.” That date is 2002. Afterwards, opponents of Prop. 9 hope for a 30 to 40 percent rate drop, from a deregulated marketplace.

But many Californians are wary of making the marketplace a substitute for the democratic process. Harry Snyder, senior advocate of the Consumers Union in San Francisco, sees Prop. 9 as a means of putting the Legislature back into the service of the average Californian. “There’s a larger purpose to this initiative,” says Snyder. “To give this message to the legislators: You’re not going to stick anyone’s hand into my pocket.”

John Garn thinks there’s yet another purpose. “All that’s being reported is how long lawsuits could take, and whether we’ll lose money, like that’s the biggest issue,” he says. “If you peel off the cover and really look at it, [Prop. 9] is about people taking back their own power.”

From the October 22-28, 1998 issue of the Sonoma County Independent.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

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