‘(sic)’

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Word Play: Jenifer Cote and David Yen parry in ‘(sic).’

–>Sic Sense

Actors Theatre’s ‘(sic)’ makes the words work

By David Templeton

At one point in Actors Theatre’s sharp new production of Melissa James Gibson’s play (sic)–now running at Railroad Square’s new Sixth Street Playhouse–a would-be auctioneer named Frank (David Yen) morosely deconstructs the famous tongue twister about Betty the batty baker who wonders if her bitter butter makes her batter better. Dejectedly, Frank ultimately challenges Betty’s culinary integrity, saying, “I’m beginning to suspect that Betty’s motives were purely alliterative.”

One could conceivably make the same charge of Melissa James Gilbert, a supremely clever, OBIE Award-winning playwright who, in this 2002 off-off-off Broadway sensation, is clearly more interested in the way words work than with presenting a linear story. The cash-strapped apartment dwellers who populate (sic) are the kind of people who hide their existential aches and pains behind a screen of clever, educated and vaguely condescending phraseology, constantly letting loose with funny, finely tuned remarks like “Why should I spend my life examining the expectancy of every pregnant pause?” and “If you can spell ‘bourgeois,’ you are bourgeois” and “What rhymes with ‘letter of eviction’?” while magnifying every other angst with the same language-obsessed aptitude for wordplay.

When would-be author Babette (Jenifer Cote) overemphasizes her delivery of the word “I” in a particularly condescending observation–the kind of thing where someone says, “Well, I certainly didn’t leave the cat out last night”–the would-be theme-park-ride composer Theo (Jeffrey Weissman) wonders aloud, “Did she just hit that adverb with something akin to mockery or was that merely my imagination?”

The title of the piece, (sic), is of course the grammatical Latin-derived signal used in written texts “to indicate that a surprising or paradoxical word, phrase or fact is not a mistake and is to be read as it stands,” to quote Webster’s. This is an apt enough name for a play in which someone makes the cutting observation, “The mistake is precisely what is of interest.”

Adding to all this merry word-wackery is the fact that Gibson’s brilliantly experimental play, in its script form, has absolutely no punctuation–no commas, no periods, no question marks, no exclamation points. The meaning of every word, every sentence must be teased out, pulled up and decided upon by the actors and director, with the result that every new production is entirely different. With or without punctuation, it’s the kind of dialogue over which actors have been known to kill each other just for the privilege of speaking it onstage.

The Sixth Street Playhouse stage, too new yet for anyone to have been successfully killed over, nevertheless boasts a to-die-for set designed by Rich Desilets. A miraculous mishmash of levels and false edges, Desilets’ set suggests the third floor of an old New York apartment building, showing just enough of Frank, Theo and Babette’s tiny adjoining studio apartments to create the properly cramped, compromised and presuccess state in which all three characters find themselves.

I’m not revealing much about the plot, because, in classic absurdist tradition, there isn’t much plot to reveal. When not isolated in their individual apartments, the contrary trio meet in the hall to gossip, flirt, swindle, complain, argue, compete, play, alienate and find solace in each other, all while Frank practices his auctioneer exercises (“At least leave the lederhosen” and “Romance is really rather a riddle”) and as all three drop grammar-soaked one-liners like “You say ‘thing’ like it has a capital letter” and “I want you to leave me the four letters that sound like ‘duck’ alone.”

There is a slight through-line about an upstairs neighbor who might be dead, and another about the trio’s never-seen mutual friend Larry (who used to date Frank and might have stolen Theo’s mysteriously missing wife). And then there are the occasional snippets of conversation from downstairs, as the second-floor couple (the voices of Argo Thompson and Danielle Cain) meticulously plan a very orderly break-up. Oh, and Theo tries to get Babette to be his girlfriend, while she tries to borrow money she plans to never return.

Other than that nothing much happens. And that’s plenty.

Because of course, in true Seinfeld fashion (a show that has been frequently compared to (sic) in its various productions), nothing can add up to an awful lot, and can be frightfully funny, when it’s done or said by the right group of people.

Actors Theatre’s new production of ‘(sic)’ runs through April 17 at the Sixth Street Playhouse, 52 West Sixth Street, Santa Rosa. Tickets are $22 general, $18 senior and $15 youth. For more info, call the box office at 707.523.4185.

From the April 6-12, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Jehovah’s Witnesses

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Silent Lamb: The Catholic Church may not be alone in covering up crimes against children by spiritual leaders.

–>Witness Abuse

Are Jehovah’s Witnesses covering up child molestation?

By Joy Lanzendorfer

As Michael Jackson–raised as a Jehovah’s Witness–stands trial for child molestation in Southern California, another controversy involving the apocalyptic religion and child sexual abuse is unfolding in Napa Superior Court.

A string of lawsuits accuses Jehovah Witnesses of repeatedly covering up cases of child molestation. The plaintiffs say that not only were they sexually abused by church elders, but that other church officials knew about the abuse and refused to take the necessary steps to report it, instead allowing sexual predators to retain positions of power in the congregation. The alleged abuses span 27 years, from 1970 to 1997.

The Napa case names three plaintiffs, Charissa Welch, 35; Nicole D., 32; and Tabitha H., 30. They are suing the Napa Congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses as well as Jehovah’s Witness headquarters in Pennsylvania and New York for an unspecified amount of money.

Originally, Sacramento law firm Nolan Saul Brelsford brought 17 cases against Jehovah’s Witness churches throughout California, including one in Sonoma County. The firm has dropped 11 cases and the remaining six lawsuits span several counties, including Napa, Santa Clara, Yolo, Placer and Tehama. Because the Napa case was the farthest along in the proceedings, the lawsuits were coordinated and are now being tried in Napa as one large case.

Attorneys for the Jehovah’s Witnesses deny the cover-up.

“The church abhors child abuse,” says defense council Robert Schnack. “And it denies any liability in these cases, both factual and legal.”

So far, the church has lost two motions in court. First, it claimed its status as a religious institution protects it from lawsuits under the First Amendment. Then it claimed it could not be held responsible for what its members did. On April 8, it is expected to argue that church officials had no knowledge of the abuse.

In the Napa case, the alleged abuser was church elder Edward Villegas, who was convicted for child abuse in 1994 and died in prison soon afterwards. Much of the abuse happened in the 1970s and 1980s. During that time, Villegas operated a church-sponsored daycare.

The complaint claims that the church not only knew about the alleged abuse, but “intentionally concealed” it from the police and the congregation and “continued to place Edward Villegas in positions of authority where he could abuse children while pursuing activities within the scope of his appointment.”

In 1970, Charissa Welch, then an infant, was placed in Villegas’ daycare, which the church used to attract new members. Welch’s mother, Betty Hopkins, converted to the religion soon afterward. According to the complaint, when Welch was three or four years old, Villegas allegedly began molesting her by “fondling her genitals, penetrating her vagina and forcing her to have oral sex.” The abuse lasted 13 to 14 years. Tabitha H. alleges that she endured similar abuse by Villegas from 1977 to 1980.

In 1971, Nicole D.’s family met Villegas through a church function. Nicole was placed under the elder’s guidance. Her family even spent time at his home. In 1978, when Nicole was seven, he allegedly forced her to have oral sex with him.

According to the complaint, Nicole told her father about the abuse. He immediately informed the church. The elders removed Nicole from Villegas’ care, but allegedly “took no other steps to hold him accountable or to otherwise notify members. . . . Instead, they intentionally concealed this information. Therefore, Edward Villegas was able to continue to use his position of authority.”

The three plaintiffs say they were told they should let the elders handle the abuse. The complaint also says the church keeps “secret archival files regarding sexual abuse” by leaders. By not involving the police and keeping Villegas in charge, the plaintiffs are arguing that the church assumed a level of liability in the abuse.

The Jehovah’s Witness church hierarchy has three levels. The first level, pioneers, are the familiar members who go door-to-door attempting to convert people. The second level, ministerial servants, are men who act as deacons, doing grunt work for the church. After three years, a ministerial servant can advance to the third level, elder. The elders make up the church’s governing body.

“Elders are viewed as a direct representation of God on earth,” says Bill Bowen, a former Jehovah’s Witness elder. “To question an elder is to question God.”

Because elders develop a trusting relationship with members, they take on the responsibility of protecting and molding character and behavior, especially in the case of children, says attorney Bill Brelsford, who represents the plaintiffs.

“The church takes these children and trains them in how to act,” he says. “Through this undertaking as an organization, it has a certain responsibility here.”

The Napa cases are not the only ones. In fact, lawsuits accusing Jehovah’s Witnesses of covering up child abuse have been popping up all over the country. Spearheading the lawsuits is Texas law firm Love and Norris, which initially approached Nolen Saul Brelsford about the California cases.

Bill Bowen was an elder at a Jehovah’s Witness church in Paducah, Ky., when he learned that a fellow elder had molested a child. He reported the incident, but the other leaders told him that since the elder claimed the abuse happened only one time, nothing should be done about it.

“I spoke to the victim and found out it happened multiple times and places, and that the current allegations pointed to another child,” Bowen says. “I said to them, ‘Look, apparently he lied to us, there’s even physical evidence pointing to another child,’ and they said, ‘Well, he denied it, so we have to leave it in God’s hands.'”

Bowen went to all the other leaders and even wrote Watchtower headquarters. Eventually, he was told that though the church would remove the man as an elder, Bowen was not to report the crime to the police. In response, Bowen officially resigned as an elder, went to the police, and then started a website, SilentLambs.org, to help Jehovah’s Witnesses who have been sexually molested.

As is its custom with all so-called heretics within its ranks, the church excommunicated or “disfellowshipped” Bowen. Family and longtime friends soon started shunning him.

“I haven’t spoken to my parents or sister in three years,” he says. “If I had any contact with them, they would be disfellowshipped, too.”

Over 1,000 people have reported on SilentLambs.org that Jehovah’s Witness members allegedly sexually abused them. According to the site, inside sources at the Watchtower office in New York say it has a computer database of reported incidents of child abuse that lists nearly 24,000 child molesters.

The Watchtower Bible and Tract Society of New York did not respond to interview requests for this article.

Bowen believes that child abuse within the church began as a small problem and has gotten worse over time.

“It probably started out somewhat like it was with the Catholic Church, with the church thinking if we ignore this problem, it will go away,” he says. “But it hasn’t. And the Jehovah’s Witnesses are nastier about it than the Catholic Church was, especially to abuse survivors. They know that if they don’t cover it up, it will expose major problems in the religion.”

The allegations against the Jehovah’s Witnesses are different from the Catholic Church in several ways. For one thing, with just 1 million members nationwide, there are far fewer Jehovah’s Witnesses than the 60 million-member Catholic Church. For another, with its door-to-door conversion policy, a sexual predator who is a Jehovah’s Witness has more contact with the public at large.

While the church’s responsibility in these cases is still up for debate, in some cases–such as with Villegas in Napa, who was convicted of molestation–the abuse is not. At the very least, Bowen feels the Jehovah’s Witnesses should make more of an effort to protect its congregation.

He says that in 1992, church members made recommendations to the New York office for a new policy dealing with child molesters. The policy stated that elders should report the abuse to the police first, that abusers should be removed from positions of responsibility within the church and that abusers should not be allowed to go door-to-door.

“That was in 1992,” Bowen says. “To this day, not one of those recommendations has been followed up on.”

From the April 6-12, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Swervedriver

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The Wonderful Truth: Swervedriver are the best band no one’s ever heard of.

Sonic Ecstasy

Swervedriver get a scrap of their due

By Sara Bir

Swervedriver have few passive fans. No one familiar with the band merely likes them. “Swervedriver!” they’ll enthuse upon hearing the band’s name. “You know Swervedriver? I love Swervedriver!”

The band emerged from England in the late ’80s, the dawn of the shoegaze era, when groups such as Slowdive and My Bloody Valentine were beginning to hone the craft of obliterating songs and blanketing them in layers of fuzzed-out, distorted guitar and ethereal vocals. Swervedriver shared–nay, reveled in–the same wall of distortion, but they wielded an unbreakable rock ‘n’ roll aesthetic that made their songs as catchy as flypaper. While other bands slouched in fraying cardigans, Swervedriver were all dreadlocks, sunglasses and black leather. These guys rocked.

Swervedriver’s nine-year recording career is tidily summed up on Juggernaut Rides: ’89-’98 (Castle), a new two-disc retrospective whose release might aid in slightly remedying the band’s status as one of the most underappreciated and consistently amazing rock acts of the 1990s.

Singer and guitarist Adam Franklin and guitarist Jimmy Hartridge stood at Swervedriver’s creative core, pulling inspiration from late ’60s garage punk and American avant-indie bands like Sonic Youth. A fixation on the darker aspects of pop culture and the gonzo mythology of decaying Americana informed Swervedriver’s lyrical content, though it was T. Rex that supplied the name for their breakthrough single, “Son of Mustang Ford.”

Raise, Swervedriver’s first album, came out in 1991 and offered murky, amped-up dirges. Raise did well on the indie charts and scored a few videos on MTV’s 120 Minutes, winning Swervedriver a small but devoted stateside following.

Mezcal Head (1992), the album that became a meeting ground for metalheads and shoegazers, marks Swervedriver’s most aggressive work. Its guitar sound is huge and menacing; its scope, epic. The album also boasts Franklin’s strongest songwriting, perfectly embodied in “Duel,” perhaps the greatest lost single of the ’90s. It begins with an earthquake rumble and deftly explodes into a churning turbine of a song, at turns ruthlessly jagged and electrifyingly melodic.

Franklin’s uncanny ability to blanket whip-crack pop songwriting without compromising any of his band’s rough, driving edge shot Swervedriver ahead of the pack. In this aspect, they are probably the most gifted of Nirvana’s contemporaries–a tired but fitting comparison. The two bands existed in separate blossomings of subgenres, writing music independently of each other yet tapping into the same elusive vein of sonic ecstasy.

Their most cohesive and mature album, 1995’s Ejector Seat Reservation, was in the can and ready to conquer the universe, but by this time Britpop had overtaken shoegaze, and their label unceremoniously dropped the band a week after the album’s release. Further label woes plagued Swervedriver in the following years. Their last album, 99th Dream, which finally appeared in 1998, often gets lost in the shoegaze-leaning shuffle of Swervedriver fetishism, but it contains some of the band’s most finessed melodies in its tower of technicolor psychedelia.

Swervedriver continued to tour for a while, but the band imploded into an extended nonbreakup that continues to this day.

As a compilation, Juggernaut Rides won’t single-handedly reverse Swervedriver’s misfortunes, though it makes a handy but less-than-ideal introduction, or reintroduction, to Swervedriver. Its two discs, which feature songs selected by the band members, are arranged without regard to chronological order, so it’s not as easy to get a sense of the band’s progression from metalgaze to glorious acid-surf-pop.

However, spreading more Swervedriver in the world can only accomplish good. Play it for your friends and tell them it’s the new Bloc Party album. “Whoa,” they’ll say. “I had no idea Bloc Party sounded like this!” Then tell them the truth, the wonderful truth.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Medical Marijuana

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Photograph by Michael Amsler

Indispensable: Resource Green’s Ken Haus poses with his sidekick, ‘Rosie.’

Reefer Madness

What is it about medical marijuana that makes everyone act so funny?

By R. V. Scheide

Marijuana can make people do funny things. Take journalists, for instance. For the past several weeks, the Santa Rosa Press Democrat has run a series of news stories and opinion pieces that have taken a decidedly negative slant on Santa Rosa’s three medical marijuana dispensaries, more popularly known as cannabis clubs. In a March 17 column titled “Death to the Medical Cannabis Club,” columnist Chris Smith wrote that “the needs of legitimate patients are overshadowed by the inevitable comings and goings of fakers, rip-offs, dealers and recreational pot-heads.”

Strong words, and one might presume that Smith had visited at least one of the three clubs before making such a harsh judgment. After all, one of the dispensaries, Resource Green Caregiver and Patients Group, is a mere six blocks from the Press Democrat‘s offices. However, such was not the case.

“No, I did not got to any of the medical marijuana clubs in Santa Rosa,” Smith admitted to the Bohemian.

Press Democrat reporter Paul Payne did visit Resource Green before writing his March 16 story on cannabis clubs, titled “SR Medical Marijuana Club Leaves Neighbors Fuming.” The problem is that Payne, according to allegations by three individual sources who were at the club, failed to identify himself as a reporter when he first showed up outside. One patient, disturbed by the incognito journalist’s questions, immediately notified a Resource Green security guard, who escorted Payne off the premises.

But the incident was not mentioned in Payne’s story, which voiced the unsubstantiated claims of several neighbors that lax security at the club had led to, in the words of one resident, “wholesale drug trafficking in my neighborhood.”

If these were the only discrepancies in the Press Democrat‘s coverage, they might be forgiven as honest mistakes. Unfortunately, they’re just the tip of the iceberg. For example, in Payne’s first story, one resident complains about “healthy twenty-something customers,” and a subsequent Press Democrat editorial mentions “streams of young people coming and going.” Editorial director Pete Golis, in a March 23 opinion piece, comments on “the astonishing number of young men coming and going at one pot club,” and jokes that an “unexplained health menace threatens young men in Santa Rosa; health officials launch investigation.”

The unspoken assumption is that people in their 20s couldn’t possibly be sick enough to qualify for a medical marijuana recommendation. This is of course an erroneous assumption.

“The twenty-something thing is deceptive,” says Doc Knapp, a spokesman for the Sonoma County Alliance for Medical Marijuana (SAMM) who’s been surprised at the Press Democrat‘s recent bias. “You really can’t judge a book by its cover.”

If Resource Green’s security hadn’t been so tight and if Payne’s interview with the healthy-looking 25-year-old man who turned him in had gotten off to a better start, the Press Democrat might have realized that.

 

Santa Rosa resident Jeffrey Borchert can’t be blamed for feeling paranoid. In 1998 he was diagnosed with schizophrenia. “I didn’t know what it meant or anything,” Borchert explains haltingly in a backroom at Resource Green, struggling against the numbing effect of the antipsychotic medication Zyprexa, prescribed by his doctor in combination with the antidepressant Prozac to treat his mental illness. That same doctor gave Borchert the green light to seek a medical marijuana recommendation to augment the prescription medication, and after receiving his recommendation from a qualified physician, Borchert became one of the 2,500 registered patients who receive their medical marijuana from Resource Green.

Located near the corner of Santa Rosa and Sonoma avenues, Resource Green has become a safe haven for Jeffrey Borchert and hundreds of other local medical marijuana patients. Because he does not like to drive, Borchert can take the bus from home to the Santa Rosa Transit Mall, a few blocks away from the club. Once at the club, he says, “no one gives me problems, it’s pretty much in and out.”

On the day of Payne’s first visit to Resource Green, Borchert’s father gave him a ride to the club and witnessed the reporter (he had no way of knowing who it was at the time) approach his son and several other people parked outside. “I didn’t hear what he said, but Jeffrey immediately ran over to the club’s security guard,” says the elder Borchert. Jeffrey Borchert alleges that Payne “asked me if I was going to the clinic and could I get him something.”

“The pot-club customer [Borchert] is mistaken,” Payne responds when told of the allegation. “I made absolutely no attempt to buy marijuana.”

Reuben, the Resource Green security guard Borchert notified, is also a medical marijuana patient and, like several other patients interviewed for this story, refused to divulge his last name for fear of being hassled by law-enforcement officials.

“I went over to talk to the guy,” Reuben says. “I said, ‘Excuse me, you can’t be asking patients to buy marijuana for you. You need to leave.’ I didn’t ask him. I told him.”

Payne left and returned 10 minutes later, identified himself as a Press Democrat reporter and was admitted to the club, Reuben says. Payne avers that he identified himself properly immediately upon meeting Reuben.

Why isn’t the incident mentioned in Payne’s story? That’s impossible to say for certain. However, its absence does fit the overall pattern of the Press Democrat‘s recent coverage of cannabis clubs, which has repeatedly relied on innuendo, unverified allegations, stereotyping and taking facts out of context.

For starters, consider how the Press Democrat describes the club’s location. In his column, Smith describes the club as being “a stone’s throw from Santa Rosa City Hall, a park and a grammar school.” While the club is indeed in the vicinity of all three, it would take quite a heave to hit the school with a rock. Resource Green CEO Ken Haus says he personally measured the distance and found it to be well over 1,000 feet, the buffer zone required by SB 420, which along with Proposition 215, the Compassionate Use Act of 1996, created the quasilegal framework in which medical cannabis clubs operate.

Moreover, neither Smith’s column nor Golis’ editorial mentions that the park in question is the notorious Juilliard Park, long a hangout for transients and runaways who spill over into the adjacent neighborhood. The park remains a trouble spot for the Santa Rosa Police Department to this day.

In the Press Democrat coverage, it is repeatedly stated that public officials have been blindsided by the sudden appearance of three medical pot clubs in the city, yet Haus says when the club first opened last May, mission statements were mailed to all local government officials who might have a concern with the club. Haus’ former business partner says he even left a phone message with Santa Rosa mayor Jane Bender, telling her that the club had opened and to call if she had any concerns. Bender, who recently told the Press Democrat that “three clubs is too many,” never called back. Despite receiving repeated messages, Bender had not returned calls to the Bohemian by press time.

“All of these dudes have known that we’ve been here from the very beginning,” says Haus.

“This has never been a thing where they were flying below the radar,” says Chris Andrian, the attorney who represents Resource Green. “They’ve been very up front with everything they’ve done.”

The Press Democrat stories also report that the Santa Rosa Police Department has taken a “neutral” approach to the clubs, which came as a surprise to Haus, who says the club has been visited more than a half-dozen times by the police.

During one visit, he says, police attempted to gather information about the patients who grow marijuana for Resource Green. Andrian advised Haus not to give the police the information. “It’s none of their business,” he says.

“The notion that I’m running a wholesale drug ring is absurd,” Haus fumes, adding that club security has so far caught some 20 members attempting to redistribute medical marijuana outside the club–a small percentage, considering Resource Green has 2,500 members–all of whom had their memberships permanently revoked. “We’re going to catch them, and they’re not going to be allowed back,” says Haus.

When asked to name any incident of illegality associated with the three medical marijuana clubs in town, Lt. Jerry Briggs of the Santa Rosa Police Department could only note that North Bay Collective, located on Steele Lane, and Caregivers Compassion Center, located on Montgomery Drive, have each been burglarized. He admitted that neither Resource Green nor any of its patients have been cited for anything, marijuana-related or otherwise, and said local law enforcement’s skepticism toward the clubs has been fostered by “overwhelming anecdotal evidence” coming from cities such as Oakland and San Francisco, currently experiencing their own problems with the issue.

“I don’t mind the police presence,” Haus says, adding that he has more of an interest than anyone in ensuring that his clients are safe and obey the club’s rules. “What I do mind is people putting a negative spin on my business. It’s quite apparent that the Press Democrat has an agenda: to shed a negative light on Resource Green.”

 

A red cross painted above a black wrought-iron security door, locked from both sides, marks the entrance to Resource Green. A security guard stands outside. To gain entry, patients must present a valid ID card to another guard stationed behind the door.

Once inside the narrow quarters, it’s fairly understandable why some people get the wrong idea about the medical marijuana dispensary. A steady flow of patients, young and old alike, funnel in and out of the club, eyeballing the various strains of high grade marijuana–Purple Urkle, Sweet Nightmare, Morning Star, Satory, Legend, Super Mix and Sweet Outdoor–that bristle with potency beneath a glass countertop. There’s a mural based on Pink Floyd’s The Wall opposite the case, rock music blares in the background, and although Haus technically doesn’t allow patients to toke up in the club, he makes the occasional exception for those in dire need of medication, so there’s a faint whiff of vaporized pot in the air. It feels like a combination between the Haight-Ashbury Free Clinic and a head shop.

However, what becomes abundantly clear after interviewing numerous patients at the club is that most of them, if not all, are seriously ill. In fact, every patient interviewed by the Bohemian, including a number of so-called healthy looking 20-year-olds, presented valid reasons for his or her medical marijuana recommendation.

If there is a single common denominator uniting the patients, it is chronic pain.

Dr. Gene Schoenfeld of Sausalito is one of only two North Bay physicians on pro-marijuana organization CalNORML’s list of doctors willing to grant medical marijuana recommendations. A psychiatrist, he occasionally makes a marijuana recommendation for mental illness, but most patients seek him out for pain issues.

“Most medical marijuana recommendations are for chronic pain–back pain, headaches, spastic diseases,” he says. “Medical marijuana can relieve pain directly, or indirectly, by relieving the anxiety, the fear that comes with the onset of chronic pain.”

For example, Resource Green patient Karl Nonamaker, 54, was struck by a drunk driver while riding his Harley on his 37th birthday. He lost an eye and his left leg above the knee, and suffered extensive nerve damage. He also suffers from arthritis and bipolar disorder.

“I’ve been smoking pot a long time,” he says, adding that as soon as voters passed Proposition 215, he immediately sought and received a recommendation to treat chronic pain syndrome with marijuana. “It really helps me get through the day.”

It would be difficult to find a healthier looking 20-year-old than Andrew, a handsome Latino dressed in jeans and red sweatshirt perusing the various strains of marijuana on display–until Andrew holds out his left hand, revealing a thick white scar that goes more than halfway through his wrist, the result of work accident that severed five tendons. He’s currently awaiting his third surgery on the wrist. Chronic pain keeps him up at night, so his doctor originally prescribed the painkiller Vicodin. Andrew quickly got strung out on the drug, which also causes nasty stomachaches. Since obtaining his medical marijuana recommendation, he can sleep at night and he’s been able to get off Vicodin.

The look on 44-year-old Brian Wims’ face is so angry and intense, it seems reasonable to wonder why he’s so pissed off. Then Wims relates that he was the third person diagnosed with AIDS in Sonoma County. At one point, the disease was full-blown and nearly took his life. Because of his depleted immune system, he’s battled a variety of different cancers, and is currently struggling with lymphoma. The medication he takes makes him nauseous, and it’s difficult to eat. He is in constant agony; his face is a veritable mask of pain, until he starts speaking.

“Chronic pain is something you can’t understand until you’ve experienced it,” Wims says. “I have tried different pharmaceuticals, and they haven’t touched it. Marijuana allows you to take that pain, put it in a box and manage it.”Eddie Garcia, 53, concurs. For the past year and a half, he’s endured a pinched sciatic nerve that has left him wheelchair-bound. “Medical marijuana doesn’t take all the pain away, but it makes it bearable,” he says.

Surely Gary, 19, a healthy-looking dreadlocked junior college student who hopes to study physics at UC Berkeley in the fall, must be one of those “fakers” alluded to by columnist Chris Smith. Sorry. “I’ve had migraines all my life,” Gary explains. His doctor at Kaiser advised him to keep a journal and take Advil. Later, a neurologist diagnosed him with cluster headaches and recommended stretching. Nothing worked–until he received a medical marijuana recommendation.

“It doesn’t relieve the headaches completely, but instead of having to lie down for four hours, I can smoke a small amount. and I’m able to cope,” he says.Resource Green operations manager Melissa Gordon, 25, also suffers from migraines and finds that marijuana “alleviates the pain and pressure inside my head.” Likewise, CEO Ken Haus, 34, has chronic-pain issues, thanks to osteoarthritis in his spine. He was originally prescribed the powerful painkiller Oxycontin for the condition. “Coming off it was unlike anything I’ve ever experienced,” he says. “I had cold sweats, the shakes and terrible stomachaches for weeks.”

In the Spring issue of O’Shaughnessy’s: The Journal of Cannabis in Clinical Practice, Dr. Jeff Hergenrather of Sebastopol–the other North Bay physician on CalNORML’s list–writes that the reduced use of pharmaceuticals is a recurring theme he’s finding among his medical marijuana patients.

“In many cases, conventional treatments are as problematic as the diseases themselves,” he writes. “Patients who have chosen cannabis as an alternative treatment for these conditions often confide to cannabis specialists that they have been able to reduce their use of pharmaceutical drugs. It is a recurring theme, and a significant one.”

Dr. Hergenrather says that there are now more than 200 conditions described in the ninth revision of the International Classification of Diseases that are considered treatable by medical marijuana. Many of these diseases do not practice age discrimination.

“How are you going to recognize a 20-year-old who has a seizure disorder?” he asks rhetorically. “On the other hand, I don’t want to pretend that there isn’t some use that’s recreational.”

Virtually no one involved in the controversy disputes the fact that the framework laid out by Proposition 215 and SB 420 is imperfect. The Compassionate Use Act opened the door for patients to legally use marijuana for medical purposes, but physicians are not allowed to prescribe it, which is why it’s called a “recommendation.” Senate Bill 420’s language is even more vague, allowing patients to form collectives to grow and distribute medical marijuana to fellow patients, but stopping short of defining just what a collective might be–for instance, a cannabis club like Resource Green.

“It’s like they legalized milk but didn’t legalize cows,” says Bill Panzer, an Oakland attorney who has handled many high-profile medical marijuana cases.

“It’s not that the state doesn’t need to be involved; it’s that the state has refused to be involved.”

Yet it is this imperfect framework in which medical marijuana dispensaries like Resource Green must operate, leading to constructs that challenge the conventional wisdom of what healthcare can be. For example, Resource Green CEO Ken Haus and operations manager Melissa Gordon are also patients–according to SB 420, they have to be in order to provide medical marijuana to fellow patients.

Haus says the club obtains its marijuana from approximately 250 local patient-growers who are also Resource Green members, again expanding on the idea of the “collective.” Legally speaking, patients are not “customers” that “buy” medical marijuana from Resource Green, as reported by the Press Democrat. That’s because the law does not permit anyone to profit from the sale of medical marijuana. Instead, a practice known as “cost recovery exchange” is employed.

Patient-growers are allowed to recover the costs of the money and labor spent cultivating their crops–but no more than that–by charging caregivers like Haus for their product. They are also required to complete a 1099 form for the IRS. In turn, Resource Green is allowed to recover its medical marijuana costs by passing it on to its patients. Sonoma County medical marijuana guidelines pioneered by SAMM allow patients to obtain up to four and a half ounces per month, or three pounds a year–a measure that the club meticulously tracks for each patient with a computer program, right down to the last gram. Currently, prices for an eighth of an ounce range from $30 to $50.

In order for a patient to receive medical marijuana from a dispensary, he or she must first receive a recommendation from a physician. Drs. Schoenfeld and Hergenrather both conduct an extensive interview process, reviewing the patient’s medical records and contacting the referring physicians before making a recommendation. They also require follow-up visits. The patient takes the recommendation to a club like Resource Green to get the “prescription” filled. Resource Green validates every recommendation by checking the physician’s status with the California Medical Association and by directly contacting the physician before the patient is granted a Resource Green ID card.

Ironing out the recommendation process is the key to California’s medical marijuana controversy, and both Drs. Schoenfeld and Hergenrather are acutely aware that there are a few unscrupulous physicians throughout the state running what have become known as “recommendation mills,” where patients are issued recommendations after a short cursory examination with no follow-up appointments.

“It’s not the clubs’ fault,” says Panzer. “They can’t second-guess doctors.”

Such nuances in the law have received scant attention in the Press Democrat‘s coverage of the controversy so far. Instead, the reports have relied mainly on the complaints of a single neighbor, Rayburn Killion, an attorney who lives a few houses down from Resource Green’s alleyway. Yet Killion himself seems slightly confused about the issue. One day, he’s accusing Resource Green of “wholesale drug trafficking” in the daily newspaper, the next he’s calling the club up and thanking them for doing such a swell job with their security.

“It comes and goes,” he told the Bohemian. “I’m trying not to be obsessed about it.”

Killion says he has observed people parked in his driveway breaking up bags of marijuana, passengers waiting in cars getting out and urinating behind the PG&E substation across the street from his house, and people exchanging money before entering Resource Green. He says that in the first case, he’s only guessing that the people parked in his driveway came from the club. His major issue appears to be the increased traffic on the street thanks to the club’s tiny parking area. “I’d like to make it clear that I’m not against medical marijuana,” he says.

Last week, Melissa Gordon made the rounds of the neighborhood, handing out fliers to inform neighbors the club is doing everything it can to keep the area safe. She talked to 20 residents, Killion included, and no one had any complaints. Most had been unaware of the club until the Press Democrat‘s recent coverage.

“What happened is that an incident came to reflect the whole movement,” says Doc Knapp, the SAMM spokesman. “That’s just a distortion of the movement. By and large, we find that patients are discreet. Once you get in a situation where neighbors are complaining or going to the city council, it’s news and should be reported, but throwing the baby out with the bathwater is not a good technique.”

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

‘My Date with Drew’

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Firestarter: Actress Drew Barrymore so ignited one man’s imagination that he filmed his attempts to date her.

Dreamers and Schemers

Guerilla-style doc ‘My Date with Drew’ charms its way into the eighth annual Sonoma Valley Film Festival

By David Templeton

‘The celebrity crush–the harmless and hopeless, well-intentioned celebrity crush–it’s a universal theme in our culture,” explains Brian Herzlinger. The 29-year-old filmmaker is amped-up in a way that only a first-time independent movie director could be. “Everybody has had a crush on somebody famous,” he says by phone from Los Angeles, “someone whose posters or magazine clippings they had on their bedroom wall as a kid. For me, it’s always been Drew Barrymore, ever since I was six years old and saw her in E.T., but it’s a theme that nearly everybody identifies with.”

“OK, before we go further, name your favorite Drew Barrymore movie,” I ask, because things like that are important to guys like us.

“My favorite Drew Barrymore movie is The Wedding Singer,” Herzlinger answers. “She was fantastic in that. With that movie she solidified herself as a leading actress in a romantic comedy, but also as a talented actress in general. She’s so sweet in it, and it’s not that easy to come off as sweet on film, but she does it so effortlessly.

“So what about you?” he then asks.

“What’s my favorite Drew Barrymore movie?”

“What celebrities have you always wanted to date?”

“This could be embarrassing,” I think to myself. Nevertheless, I tell Herzlinger that as a teenager–once I’d finally gotten over Julie Newmar as Catwoman and Logan’s Run‘s sultry Jenny Agutter–I spent three whole years in a pathetic state of wishful thinking regarding Mork and Mindy‘s über-dazzling Pam Dawber.

“Pam Dawber! That’s so funny,” Herzlinger replies. “You know, I can get you a date with Pam Dawber, ’cause I know Mark Harmon, and he’s married to Pam Dawber!”

“Really?” I consider. “Hmm, as it so happens, my wife likes Mark Harmon, so maybe we’re looking at a double date?”

“Hey, it’s worth a shot!” laughs Herzlinger. “These kinds of dreams, all dreams really, are always worth taking risks for–short of becoming a stalker, which I definitely draw the line at–because, you know, ‘If you don’t take risks, you’ll have a wasted soul.’ I don’t know if you knew that.”

I knew that.

I know it because Drew Barrymore said it in a magazine article. It’s also the quote that opens Herzlinger’s riveting, screamingly funny new documentary, My Date with Drew, onscreen twice during this week’s Cinema Epicuria: Sonoma Valley Film Festival. My Date with Drew is a guerilla-style docu-comedy in which Herzlinger gives himself 30 days and a paltry $1,100 dollars to chronicle his dream quest of landing a date with Drew Barrymore.

He has 30 days because that’s the deadline before he must return the camcorder he charged on his Visa card to Circuit City for a full refund, and he has $1,100 because that’s the amount he won on a TV game show. (The winning answer? “Drew Barrymore.”) That’s the set-up. Within those parameters, Herzlinger stress-tests the famous “six degrees of separation” rule, interviewing everyone who knows anyone who knows someone who knows Drew, including actors Eric Roberts and Corey Feldman, Charlie’s Angels screenwriter John August, and even Sonja the cosmetician who gives Drew her skin treatments. Herzlinger’s buddies Brett and Jon come along for the ride and even encourage Nicole Kidman’s former assistant, Kerry David, to jump on as producer, cheerleader and fashion consultant.

Not everyone in Herzlinger’s sphere of influence, however, shares his giddy appreciation of unattainable, dream-date fantasies. His mother, for instance, doesn’t approve of Drew Barrymore, insisting that if Herzlinger is successful in getting a date, he must promise not to make it a long-term relationship. His father wants to know why his son doesn’t pursue Cameron Diaz or Gwyneth Paltrow instead of Drew, while the rest of his family just laughs at him. If that weren’t discouraging enough, seven minutes into the film, when Herzlinger tells his filmmaking mentor, director Bill D’Elia, of his plans, the lordly D’Elia responds with harsh but affectionate honesty, telling Herzlinger, in no uncertain terms, that the project is a bad idea, a big mistake.

“When I was 27,” D’Elia says, “my dream was world peace, not Drew Barrymore. You’re embarrassing yourself.” Even more harshly, D’Elia concludes, “You know what this is? The dumbing of America is complete. I hope for your sake you are successful. I hope for America’s sake, it’s a failure.”

Ouch.

All I can say to that is that it’s fortunate Herzlinger didn’t give up right then and there, because the end result of his goofy (and, yes, occasionally embarrassing) quest is a very good, very smart film. Miraculously, My Date with Drew turns out to be a sweet-spirited tribute to the pursuit of crazy dreams and our oddly human willingness to take big stupefying risks, even when we’re totally clueless as to where those quests will take us.

The movie has won awards at every film festival it’s appeared at, and according to Herzlinger, has been greeted with riots of enthusiasm every time it’s screened. Herzlinger and his co-directors, who serve as a kind of Greek chorus in the movie, have been eating up the adulation and are thrilled that the movie, which just gained a national distributor, will be playing to even bigger audiences when it hits the movie theaters this summer or fall.

“If My Date with Drew inspires somebody to pick up a camera and try to make a movie, knowing that the resources to do so are within their grasp,” Herzlinger says, “or more importantly, if it inspires someone to go after a lifelong dream of any kind, then that’s the best thing we can possibly hope for with this movie.” Especially cool, he affirms, is the reaction the film has been getting from jaded Hollywood professionals and film-school scholars.

“People get such a kick out of the fact that we shot this movie on a handheld camcorder from Circuit City and edited it on a laptop,” says Herzlinger. (It should be noted that Circuit City has recently changed its policy regarding return of merchandise, chopping the 30-day time limit to a scant 14 days, with a 15 percent restocking fee.) Still, with all the buzz Herzlinger and his movie have been getting, it’s not impossible to imagine that we’ll soon be watching a movie in which some other adorably scruffy camera-scammer attempts, in 14 days, to make his own wacky-ass dream come true.

“I just think it’s amazing that, in the world today, we have these means at our disposal, so anyone can just think of an idea and then go out and make a movie,” Herzlinger says. “In our case, we literally decided on a Friday to make this movie, and then got the camera and started shooting on Monday. And now, 30 days and many months of editing later, we have a movie that’s been getting standing ovations nearly everywhere it plays! How cool is that?”

One sequence in particular that seems to strike a chord with film-festival audiences is a bit where Herzlinger, armed with frighteningly realistic fake press passes, attempts to sneak into a party at the world premiere of Charlie’s Angels: Full Throttle.

“Every screening we’ve had so far, whenever we’re attempting to get past the security guards with those fake passes, we get applause up the wazoo!” Herzlinger reports. “People are so into that.”

“So,” I have to ask, “has Bill D’Elia seen the movie?”

“Bill came to the very first screening of our rough cut,” Herzlinger replies.

“Guess what? He was the first person to stand up and cheer. He loved it! He’s been incredibly supportive of what we’ve done.”

Asked what’s next, Herzlinger says, “As a filmmaker, I really want to go into fiction films and directing, especially. I’ve been getting offers to be in front of the camera, which is very cool and definitely a possibility, but that would be solely to support the opportunity to direct feature films.” To that end, Herzlinger and company have closed the deal on a new reality TV show, which the fearsome foursome will be executive-producing together, and he and Brett are working on a Christmas-themed feature film and script. “Then,” he says, “another buddy and I are writing a romantic comedy.”

Is there a part in the movie for Drew?

“Of course there is,” Herzlinger laughs. “I mean, of course! How can I not be dreaming of that?”

The Sonoma Valley Film Festival runs Thursday, March 31, through Sunday, April 3. ‘My Date with Drew’ screens Thursday, March 31, at 9pm and again on Saturday, April 2, at 12:30pm. For more info on the film festival, check the website at www.sonomafilmfestival.org or call 707.933.2600.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Big-Boxes

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Automatic for the People: Studies show that as soon as the big boxes move in, wages and living standards in a community drop.

Big-Box Boom

Big-boxes are coming, bringing low wages with them

By Bruce Robinson

In the coming months, three huge new retail stores–all major national chains–are preparing to erupt on the Santa Rosa cityscape, their combined 350,000 square feet of relentless consumerism bringing the city millions in future sales-tax revenues–along with hundreds of low-wage jobs.

Santa Rosa is not alone. The boom in retail construction will continue south to Rohnert Park, Cotati and Petaluma, where an additional million-plus square feet of new building is moving through the planning process.

Retail construction in Sonoma County “is poised to expand dramatically,” Bill McCubbin, president and CEO of Orion Properties told the annual North Bay Economic Outlook conference in Santa Rosa earlier this year. Several area cities are currently “under-retailed” and looking for additional sales tax revenues, he noted. Based on projects already under consideration or known to be in the planning pipeline, southern Sonoma County can expect another 1.4 million square feet of retail construction in the next few years, with roughly two-thirds of that arising as big boxes.

For Santa Rosa alone, the anticipated arrival of three new big boxes translates into an additional $1 million or more in annual sales-tax revenues, money that has already been factored into the city’s long-term budget projections. However, critics charge that this revenue figure is grossly misleading, as it ignores the considerable–and quantifiable–social costs that arrive along with the huge stores.

Leading the procession has been Kohl’s, a Wisconsin-based retailer that sought and won approval for a 100,000-square-foot store at the northern gateway to Santa Rosa, on Airway Drive north of Hopper Avenue, though not without some wrangling over the building’s design, which has evolved from a one- to a two-story structure. It is now expected to open in time for the Christmas selling season.

Scattered objections to the Santa Rosa Kohl’s store were raised as it sailed through the city’s review process, but no concerted opposition emerged, perhaps because the area immediately surrounding its site is still largely undeveloped, and traffic concerns there are minimal. That will not be the case for the other two big boxes that have Santa Rosa in their sights.

Give Wal-Mart credit; it had to know it would face a fight over a third huge store in Sonoma County, so it shrewdly set out to remake an existing eyesore–the vacant former HomeBase store that dominates an aging neighborhood mall just south of Highway 12 on Stony Point Road. The world’s biggest retailer plans to demolish the old structure and rebuild a slightly reconfigured new 101,000-square-foot store on the same site.

And while Santa Rosa considers Wal-Mart’s impact, Ken Jacobs, deputy chair of the Center for Labor Research and Education at UC Berkeley is more blunt. “Wal-Mart does not create new jobs,” he says, citing the results of numerous studies. “For everyone hired by Wal-Mart, another job is lost elsewhere in the retail sector.”

Those jobs disappear because smaller businesses can’t compete with the retail giants, leaving shuttered storefronts in the surrounding neighborhoods. That’s a blow to the local economy on several fronts, and it falls hardest when Wal-Mart hits town. “The stores that go out of business tend to pay more than Wal-Mart pays and tend to provide better benefits,” Jacobs says, adding that Wal-Mart pays about 31 percent less than other large retailers (those with more than 1,000 employees) and provides 23 percent fewer workers with health insurance coverage.

But the main number the city is looking at is the one that will plug into the municipal budget. City finance director Bill Mushallo anticipated that the proposed Wal-Mart could add $300,000 to $350,000 to the city’s coffers each year, noticeably more than the $200,000 to $250,000 Kohl’s is expected to generate. But the biggest plum, in terms of sales-tax revenues, is the additional $500,000 per year that could come from the proposed new Home Depot store at Santa Rosa Avenue and Yolanda.

Having been turned away in its 1998 bid to build a superstore near the county jail (where locally based Yardbirds prevailed atop the still-unstable “moving mountain” instead), Home Depot has come back with plans for a 101,000-square-foot store adjacent to the sprawling “Marketplace” shopping center that supplanted the colorful El Rancho Tropicana complex on Santa Rosa Avenue. Already the subject of some skeptical neighborhood meetings, the Home Depot proposal must also overcome the city’s reluctance to sacrifice the high-density housing that is due to go on part of the site under its current general plan.

“We would not entertain a proposal that eliminated the multifamily housing at that location,” says Goldberg, “so they would either need to modify their proposal or provide for the housing component at some other location in the city not currently designated for multifamily.” Approximately 45 units could be built on the residentially zoned land under its current zoning.

For the neighborhood, traffic concerns top the list, as more than 32,000 cars already cruise past the intersection of Santa Rosa and Yolanda avenues every day. That number will shoot upward when the planned Farmers Lane extension connects Yolanda directly to Bennett and Rincon valleys. Meanwhile, Home Depot officials estimate their planned store will attract some 4,700 customers every day. And neighborhood groups opposed to the new big-box hardware store have an ally with deep pockets in Yardbirds owner John Headley, who poured hundreds of thousands of dollars into the unsuccessful fight to keep Lowe’s out of Cotati. He now appears prepared to take the battle to both south Santa Rosa and Petaluma.

There is some small irony in the location of this new battleground, separated as it is by a few acres of asphalt from the first big box erected in the area: Costco. The quintessential no-frills shopping outlet also defines boxiness in its physical plant, but they differ from most other big-box stores in some important if largely invisible ways.

“Costco is an example of a big-box outlet that does pay living wages and offers good benefits to their employees,” notes Ben Boyce, a leader and spokesman for the Sonoma County Living Wage Coalition. But even with that upside, Boyce adds that Costco, like most other big boxes, follows “a business model that typically involves getting tax subsidies or redevelopment monies from the municipalities.” Thanks in considerable part to the legacy of Proposition 13, cities are “starved for sales tax revenue,” Boyce observes. “They’ll prostitute themselves for sales tax revenues even if the total economic impact of the project is negative.”

To combat what some see as a shortsighted rush to receive new retailers, some cities have begun to develop a new mechanism called a community impact report. Modeled on the well-established environmental impact reports required for virtually all major construction projects, the CIR encompasses a broader range of indicators, including wage rates, impacts on existing businesses and pressures on social services, such as healthcare, which can be heavily burdened when low-wage workers lack health insurance for themselves or their families.

When massive retailers like Wal-Mart enter a community trumpeting lower prices, “it’s clear that they also shift major costs onto the public,” says researcher Ken Jacobs. “And to the degree that the people know and understand that, they can develop responses, to have a kind of public policy that says this is the kind of development we want in our communities.”

Los Angeles and San Jose are among the California cities already experimenting with some kind of a community impact report. However, Petaluma planning director Mike Moore is not convinced the concept is ready for prime time. “The concerns I’m familiar with in community impact reports–things like the balance between jobs and housing or wage differentials–are issues that local government doesn’t necessarily have a lot of control over,” Moore offers.

At the same time, he says, “people have seen that the analysis communities typically go through to evaluate major development projects doesn’t usually include social or economic impacts. So it wouldn’t be surprising to see something like this gain some ground.”

But that could come too late. All available land for major retail development in Marin County has already been built out (with one modest exception in Novato), and Wal-Mart is flexing its political muscle in American Canyon southeast of Napa. With huge projects quietly moving forward in Rohnert Park, Petaluma and, the voters have decreed, even on the edge of Cotati, big boxes will be springing up along the freeway like mushrooms after the spring rains.

“I look at them like introducing pike into a trout lake,” the Living Wage Coalition’s Ben Boyce says grimly. “The big-box model, left unchecked, will eventually consume most retail activity in this country.

“It’s already well on the way.”

In addition to being a regular ‘Bohemian’ contributor, Bruce Robinson is news director for KCRB-FM.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

‘A Perfect Ganesh’

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Passage to India: Left to right, Phoebe Moyer, Kate Brickleyand Joseph Parks appear in ‘A Perfect Ganesh.’

A Perfect Onion

McNally’s ‘Ganesh’ is magical, unforgettable theater

By David Templeton

Terrence McNally’s A Perfect Ganesh, like much of the work presented lately by Pacific Alliance Stage Company (Proof, Dancing at Lughnasa, The Drawer Boy), is the kind of theatrical piece I think of as an “onion play.” In traditional narrative structures–the non-onion variety–a play’s dramatic momentum is based on mounting tension as each scene becomes the foundation for the next, with the whole thing leading in linear fashion toward some logical climax. Onion plays, however, are strategically stratified mechanisms, where much or all of the drama is derived from the gradual peeling back of layers, rather than the escalating collision of plot points.

In the opening scenes of A Perfect Ganesh, directed by Hector Correa, we are allowed to make certain assumptions about the primary characters–in this case, two women embarking on a two-week excursion to India–and as soon as we have jumped to the expected conclusions about who these women are and what they are about, everything changes and changes again as layer after layer of emotional skin is stripped away, revealing the little truths that are hidden beneath each woman’s carefully constructed surface.

The women–brittle, judgmental Margaret and wounded, soul-sickened Katharine–are each seeking healing in India, though each for different reasons and each in a different way. The facade that Katharine (a marvelous Kate Brickley) shows to the world is that of a chipper and optimistic, spiritually attuned and loving woman, but she is literally haunted by a horrifying family tragedy that has left her plagued by guilt, desperate to find someone to blame and powerfully attracted to mystical remedies for her bruised soul.

Katharine seeks solace in everything from relaxation tapes to strange fantasies of psychic absolution earned only by kissing a leper, as she says, “full on the lips.” She is the kind of person whose apparent benevolence and generosity is a front, a desperate attempt to cover up years and years of aching neediness. She wants to be a better person, but is less certain how to be good and kind than she is about how to appear good and kind. In attempting to abandon certain prejudices, she has really only swapped them for others.

Brickley plays all this colliding and collapsing emotion with breathtaking grace, peeling back the layers of her character to reveal the gradually emerging person that we in the audience can see, but she cannot. In India, Katherine will find much of what she is looking for, and plenty she is not.

Margaret appears to be Katherine’s complete opposite. Played with astonishing credibility by Phoebe Moyer, Margaret is the kind of person most people dislike at first sight. Angry, combative and contemptuously bigoted, Margaret, unlike Katherine, is not seeking a spiritual catharsis and would clearly not welcome one if it came along. She has come to India to see the Taj Mahal, believing that it will put her life in some sort of perspective. It does, of course, but by then India has worked its magic on her against her will, stripping away those pesky layers to reveal a frightened, world-weary individual who may be a good deal wiser than we or she suspected.

As Katherine and Margaret come face to face with assorted travelers, American expatriates, Indian locals and each other, the story becomes increasingly dreamlike and occasionally unpleasant, but always mesmerizing. The excellent four-actor cast is balanced by a shape-shifting, accent-swapping Joseph Parks, who takes on a whole parade of small male character roles: Katherine’s husband, her dead son, an oddball flight attendant, a desperately ill American tourist, a cynical tour guide and a practical leper.

All of this Sturm und Drang is narrated, and occasionally intervened with, by the benevolent, elephant-headed Hindu god Ganesh, a deity with a penchant for taking the form of various people in order to lend a kindly ear, to offer a bit of otherworldly advice or just to observe the actions of the mysterious mortals. Played gracefully by Michael Barr, with a sweet blend of compassionate concern and merry amusement, Ganesh is the glue that holds this onion together, and the elegant force that gracefully, unforgettably pulls it all apart.

‘A Perfect Ganesh’ runs through April 17 at the Spreckels Performing Arts Center, 5409 Snyder Lane, Rohnert Park. Thursday at 7:30pm; Friday-Saturday at 8pm; Sunday at 2:30pm. $17-$20; Thursday only, $15. 707.588.3400. Note: ‘A Perfect Ganesh’ is a long play, running just under three hours with one intermission.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

News of the Food

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News of the Food

Water Fight

By Stett Holbrook

Do you ever read the stuff that comes with your water bill? You should. By law, public water agencies are required to test their water supply and publish the results. It can make for some interesting reading, reading that you won’t find on, say, a bottle of Evian.

These days, public water doesn’t have the same cachet as brand-name H2O. As a result, bottled water is now big business and the fastest-growing segment of the beverage industry. But unlike public water supplies, private water companies–increasingly owned by corporate giants like Coca-Cola and Nestlé–don’t tell you what’s in their water. In fact, lowly tap water is generally a safer source of drinking water because the water quality is well regulated.

“Inside the Bottle,” a new report written by the Polaris Institute, takes a highly critical look at the booming water industry. The report (available at www.polarisinstitute.org), focuses on the domination of the bottled industry by Nestlé, PepsiCo, Coca-Cola and Danone. The report upbraids the big four on several grounds including: marking up the price of water they get on the cheap from rural springs and public water systems;producing a product that is not necessarily safer than, nor as regulated as, tap water;packaging it in plastic bottles made of toxic chemicals that are environmentally destructive;and marketing it to an unsuspecting public as “pure, healthy, safe drinking water.”

Not surprisingly, the International Bottled Water Association doesn’t like the report.

“The Polaris Institute’s focus on bottled water,” says Stephen R. Kay, IBWA vice president of communications, “singles out the bottled-water industry–from among the thousands of industrial water users–for scrutiny that will do nothing to protect and preserve renewable groundwater resources and do nothing to arrive at an effective water policy. . . . It is difficult to imagine what the goal of the Polaris Institute is. With obvious anticorporate bias, the Polaris Institute uses a broad brush to stigmatize an entire industry.”

Report author Tony Clarke took the IBWA’s criticisms as a sign that the industry fears scrutiny. “The IBWA has put up a weak defense in response to the challenges outlined in our report,” says Clarke. “Their claim that bottled water is a well-regulated industry, which does not drain groundwater resources, pays adequate fees for its water takings, packages water in safe containers and provides all people with a healthy form of hydration, is both false and misleading.”

Clarke notes that the IBWA didn’t address many of the issues raised in the report, such as the industry’s price-gouging practices, deceptive advertising techniques, irregular and inadequate water-quality testing, exclusive marketing contracts in schools and various devices used to undermine public confidence in tap water.

Like your water bill, the report is worth reading.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

The Byrne Report

The Byrne Report

Partner Trap

JOE ALFANO and Frank Capley have a weekend home in the forested outskirts of Monte Rio. It’s not fancy, just an old house in need of paint and some concrete work. But thanks to years of sweaty Saturdays, their hilly third of an acre is terraced, lush with fruit trees, roses and vines.

These guys are not dotcom kings, just ordinary workers. In San Francisco, Joe is employed as a handyman, Frank repairs elevators. But under the stars of Sonoma County, they are the lords of their modest little manor.

Well, there are a few snags. Joe, 34, wants to put Frank, 30, on the deed of the house which he owns. But a new domestic partnership law makes that an expensive proposition, indeed.

Joe and Frank gravitated toward San Francisco City Hall last year to watch the gay and lesbian couples get hitched. They watched for days. It was fascinating. It was powerful. But marriage was not for them–or so they thought.

“We said we do not deserve it. We’ve only been together four years, these other couples have been together 30 or 40 years!” Joe explains. “A friend said, Å’If you were straight, you’d be married and expecting kids by now.’

“But our minds were telling us that we would never be happy, that we could never have a long-lasting relationship. By denying the cement of marriage, society was telling us that we were doomed as a couple.”

Ding! The sun of matrimony rose inside their heads. They rushed into the county clerk’s office and tied the knot. Filled with “a newfound sense of civic pride,” Joe volunteered as a deputy marriage commissioner–officiating at the ceremonies of straight, gay and lesbian partners. He and Frank were inspired to register themselves under California’s domestic partnership law, Assembly Bill 205, which as of January gives same-sex couples almost all the same rights and benefits of marriage extended to heterosexuals.

When the California Supreme Court abruptly invalidated their marriage in August, Joe stopped marrying folks. His civic pride was replaced with outrage. Like thousands of couples who had been overjoyed by a city government’s sanction of their love, they found themselves in the position of relying upon AB 205 to protect their newly solemnized relationship. They got less than they bargained for–a lot less.

Assembly Bill 205 extends dozens of rights and responsibilities to gay couples, including hospital visitation privileges death benefits, and community property rights. The only state benefit not allowed to gay couples is the right to file a joint state income tax return. Half of any wealth earned by one partner automatically becomes the property of the other partner. Should a couple split up, a divorce court will divide their assets and order child or spousal support when necessary.

Sounds good so far. But one glaring problem with AB 205 is that the federal government does not recognize same-sex marriage. In fact, Congress passed the Defense of Marriage Act in 1996 to define marriage as only between a man and a woman. For tax purposes–and for the purposes of 1,138 other federal marriage rights and responsibilities–gay and lesbian families do not exist.

This is a real problem when you put your true love on the house deed. That’s no big deal for heterosexual couples, who are not liable for capital gains realized in an interspousal deed transfer. But in Sonoma County, putting your domestic partner on the deed will trigger a reappraisal of your house to market value, increasing the property tax, as well as your state and federal income tax bite.

In fact, since AB 205 declares that you must share community property if you are registered domestic partners (unless you have a helluva prenupt), you may be liable for capital gains tax even if not on the deed.

Joe and Frank were hit with another ugly reality when the national elevator workers’ union sent Frank a letter last April stating that the trustees of the union’s pension and health plan rewrote the bylaws to define marriage as “only a legal union between one man and one woman,” and defining spouse as “only a person of the opposite sex who is a husband or wife.”

This action excluded Joe from being added to Frank’s union-sponsored health and dental care plans and from receiving an array of benefits accorded to spouses of other union workers. It turns out that while AB 205 applies to state and local governments, and to companies that contract with them, it does not necessarily apply to unions.

“Domestic partnership has not helped us at all,” Frank observes.

The couple laud S. F. Superior Court Judge Richard Kramer’s recent ruling declaring the state’s prohibition of gay marriage to be as unconstitutional as antimiscegenation laws. Assembly Bill 205 is throwback to the doctrine of separate but equal, which, Joe remarks, is inherently unequal.

While homophobes call for amending the state constitution to legalize discrimination based on sexual orientation, Joe and Frank are traveling to rural counties to educate the populace by coming out–as husband and husband.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

Briefs

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Briefs

Stewards’ Point

The Napa Valley Land Stewards Alliance, a property-rights group that stresses that “respect for the environment and respect for individual citizens and their property rights are equally important,” has begun seeking signatures to place its Fair Payment for Public Benefit Act initiative on the local ballot. “Individual property owners should not be forced to disproportionately bear the costs and burdens of securing public benefits,” the NVLSA states in its description of the initiative. “If land-use restrictions are enacted to secure some public benefit, then the cost of securing it should be apportioned fairly among those who benefit.” Translation, according to the Napa Valley chapter of the Sierra Club? “If this law were to pass, any attempt by the county to enact zoning or regulatory protections for rural quality of life would trigger damage claims from developers. Our choices would boil down to paying off the land speculators and their lawyers, standing aside for bulldozers or facing budget-busting litigation.” According to numerous press reports, a similar statewide measure passed by Oregon voters last year has placed that state’s land-use policies, once the envy of the nation, into chaos. Stay tuned. Insiders predict a similar measure may surface in Sonoma County.

Sharpshooter Angle

Last week, the Sonoma County Agricultural Commission announced the finding of “two more viable glassy-winged sharpshooter egg masses on incoming plant shipments in Santa Rosa and Petaluma for a total of four egg mass discoveries in 2005.” The insect carries Pierce’s disease, which can be devastating to grape vines. The discoveries prompted the Sonoma County Farm Bureau to lash out at the GE-Free Sonoma County initiative voters will decide on later this year. “If the GMO ban were to pass, related testing on grape vines could not be done in Sonoma County,” executive director Lex McCorvey said in a press release. “If scientists succeed in creating a Pierce’s-resistant grape, that also would not be allowed to be grown or sold in Sonoma County.” Not so, says Daniel Solnit, head of the GE-Free campaign, noting that scientists are at least 10 years from developing a Pierce’s-resistant grape and the initiative is scheduled to sunset by that time. “Our initiative specifically exempts all forms of laboratory testing and research,” he adds. Plus, if an emergency did develop, the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors can amend the initiative by unanimous vote. Our initiative does not in any way limit our ability to respond to Pierce’s,” Solnit concluded.

From the March 30-April 5, 2005 issue of the North Bay Bohemian.

© Metro Publishing Inc.

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Briefs

BriefsStewards' PointThe Napa Valley Land Stewards Alliance, a property-rights group that stresses that "respect for the environment and respect for individual citizens and their property rights are equally important," has begun seeking signatures to place its Fair Payment for Public Benefit Act initiative on the local ballot. "Individual property owners should not be forced to disproportionately bear the costs...
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