Jul. 9: Tex-Mex Rock in Napa

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This year marks 20 years for Calexico, the dusty Southwest rock outfit fronted by longtime friends Joey Burns and John Convertino. Specializing in sun-baked rhythms inspired by the tiny border towns that dot their home state of Arizona, the guys still work at a breakout pace. They followed up two live albums in the last two years with the release of a new studio album, Edge of the Sun, this past April. The album has been praised as an inspired reworking of Calexico’s tried-and-true alt-country aesthetic, and this week the band show off their sound when they hit the stage on Thursday, July 9, at City Winery, 1030 Main St., Napa. 8pm. $30-$40. 707.260.1600. 

Jul. 10: In the Ruins in Santa Rosa

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Last summer, Vacant Lot Productions and the Arlene Francis Center unveiled Santa Rosa’s most intriguing “playhouse” when they debuted Shakespeare in the Cannery, set within the remaining walls of what used to be a large cannery in Railroad Square. The al fresco theater returns this week with Twelfth Night. One of Shakespeare’s most enduring comedies, Twelfth Night packs in all the classic tropes of cross-dressing and mistaken identity in a story that has entertained audiences for 400 years. Shakespeare in the Cannery invites you to bring a picnic and blankets when you come to the show, opening on Friday, July 10, at 3 West Third St., Santa Rosa. Gates at 5pm, show at 7pm. $5-$25. shakespeareinthecannery.com.

Jul. 12: Dig It in Petaluma

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Since its inception 14 years ago, the Petaluma Art & Garden Festival has blossomed from a simple street fair to an extravaganza that features 145 local vendors, live entertainment and family-fun activities. This year, the festival boasts the debut performance from a musical super-group with North Bay roots, Following Ghosts, which features Bay Area songwriter Miles Schon (son of Journey’s Neil Schon), drummer Danny Thompson (Alan Parsons Project) and Novato native Michael Kelly (Blue Man Group). Petaluma’s Saffell, Bobby Jo Valentine and others will also be on hand when the Petaluma Art & Garden Festival takes to the streets on Sunday, July 12, at Kentucky and Fourth streets, Petaluma. 11am. Free. Petalumadowntown.com.

Taking It to the Streets

It’s been a busy day for 58-year-old Charlene Love. She spent most of it in classes at Santa Rosa Junior College, where she studies horticulture. Later, she went to a meeting of housing advocates, and she ended the day scanning the internet looking for a job and a place to live. Love recently found housing, but it’s not permanent.

“My goal is to not get caught up in the system of homelessness,” says Love, who is weary of hopping from one temporary shelter bed to another. She’s not alone.

Love’s story is all too familiar in the North Bay, even as the city of Santa Rosa is ranked in the top
10 in California for homeless services. It is, surprisingly, third in the state when it comes to the availability of affordable housing. And yet Sonoma County saw a
32 percent spike in homelessness between 2009 and 2013, according to data from the Task Force for the Homeless.

That rate is higher than the state and national averages, and data from the Sonoma County Department of Health indicates that an average of 30 homeless people die on the streets of Sonoma County every year. The good news is that the county has seen the advent of a vigorous homeless-advocacy movement. Love is a part of that movement, and serves on the county’s Task Force for the Homeless and is a member of Homeless Action, a group of activists, church members and, critically, the homeless themselves.

The push in activism comes as the county studies efforts to address homelessness in more innovative ways. There are models around the country worth considering. Utah, for example, has reduced its homeless population by 77 percent utilizing the “housing first” approach. It’s a pretty simple idea: Give people a place to live, because it’s cheaper than jail or the emergency room.

THINK SMALL

Some cities have developed sanctioned encampments run by homeless people. The camps bring people into community, instead of isolating them from it. Santa Rosa is looking into it, but not very closely. The key question for Sonoma County leaders is to find which solutions are most viable for the region. There are plenty of ideas: sanctioned encampments, converting the old Sutter Hospital building into single-room occupancies, rent protections, rescinding all city ordinances that prohibit sleeping in cars and providing safe parking for those with cars, to name a few.

One solution that seems particularly workable for Sonoma County is providing tiny homes for the homeless. (There are three tiny-house communities run by and for homeless people in at least three states; they offer a mix of transitional and permanent housing.) These 200- to 500-square-foot houses are affordable ($15,000–$30,000) and energy efficient, and they align well with Sonoma County’s long-term plan for affordable housing, Program 41, which proposes using “non-traditional structures for housing.”

The county already has a vibrant tiny-house scene, and is considered a hub of production thanks to Tumbleweed Tiny Houses and the educational advocacy of Jay Shafer, Tiny Houses author and founder of Four Lights Houses. Shafer leads workshops on tiny-house design across the country and hopes to create a development in Sebastopol.

He is reticent on the point that tiny houses are a solution to homelessness, but he’s emphatic about the general social boon the tiny-house movement can offer, especially on affordability. And Shafer is optimistic that changes in housing code will remove barriers to tiny-house development in the county. Small houses are often put on wheels making them technically recreational vehicles. Grouped together, they could be zoned as RV parks to get around regulations about permanent structures.

Housing advocate Jack Tibbets has a proposal with Sonoma County to create an “Eco-Community,” a five-unit mini neighborhood designed with a central garden space. Residents would be required to put 65 percent of their rent into a savings account. The project’s estimated cost is $287,000, far cheaper than the cost of traditional affordable housing. Tibbets has submitted a proposal to the county Board of Supervisors that seeks to identify properties for a pilot project. The board is considering the proposal but has not acted on it.

Tibbets believes small houses will give residents the dignity that shelters strip away. “I have found many homeless people to be incredibly self-sufficient and independent,” he says, “and I think we should be creating spaces for their self-determination to thrive.”

Jay Beckwith, CEO of Sonoma Workforce Homes, has a plan to create a community for low-wage workers in Healdsburg. Sounds good on paper: tiny-house ownership at zero percent interest for workers who make at least $15 an hour, which he’d like to see become the minimum wage.

Beckwith believes that business owners have a responsibility to their communities. “We believe access to a home, food, water and education are a right,” he says. “Since such a change is unlikely [to come] anytime soon, we are doing what we feel is our moral obligation.”

The problem with the tiny-house push is that, as one activist put it, it relegates poor people to “glorified shacks” while blowing off the issue of economic injustice—which creates the problem of homelessness in the first place.

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THE CRISIS IN OUR MIDST

Members of homeless-rights groups like Homeless Action, the Homeless Advocacy Group, the North Bay Organizing Committee and Camp Michela have fought to undo the homeless stigma that leads to a lack of community support for solutions. In turn, elected officials here have grown more responsive than in past years.

This year, Santa Rosa made ending homelessness a priority. In recent years, under the leadership of City Councilmember Julie Combs, the city has increased shelter beds, developed dozens of affordable-housing units, increased access to public restrooms and funded shelters and programs.

“I have worked hard to create partnerships around homeless issues,” says Combs.

But her recent proposal for a 45-day moratorium on rent increases failed.

Sonoma County has created a homeless outreach team and partnered with Homeless Action and Catholic Charities to support a controversial program that allows homeless people to sleep in their cars in a safe location.

Homeless advocates have criticized the county’s efforts as woefully insufficient: outreach to vulnerable populations is of limited value in the absence of affordable housing, which is scant and largely unaffordable.

Sonoma County Supervisor Shirlee Zane disagrees. “I’d be the first to agree we need more affordable housing, but that critique is uninformed.”

Zane says the county’s homeless outreach support team ambitiously hopes to house 173 people in the next year. “This is an evidence-based program,” she says, “and it has already made an impact.” But the impact thus far has been small: the program housed nine people in its first 10 months.

More can be done to get people off the streets—but advocate groups say what’s absent is a sense of crisis. “The framework of our officials and, in truth, our entire community has been that of charity rather than seeing this as unacceptable,” says Adrienne Lauby, cofounder of Homeless Action. “At the moment, our elected officials do not feel that sense of urgency and outrage.”

Others are discouraged at how hard they must push to create even the smallest of changes. “It seems incredible to me that we have to work on something so basic as going to the bathroom and sleeping,” says Gerry LaLonde-Berg of the North Bay Organizing Project and Homeless Action. “We have to convince the community to prioritize meeting basic human needs.”

Carolyn Epple, an activist with Camp Michela (an advocacy group named after Michela Woolridge, a homeless woman murdered in Santa Rosa in 2012), believes local politicians are more beholden to developers and tourists than the well-being of down-and-out residents. Epple says the interests of the Sonoma County supervisors are dominated by a “pro-growth, development, supply-side economics agenda” that alienates the working class. This is not an uncommon view in a community that has seen a spike in wealth for some that’s concurrent with diminished standards for others.

“I think some county and city officials want to do right by those that are harmed,” says Epple, “but I think that their own class biases are still going to enter in. Their privileges shape their own worldview and what they see as possible and not possible.”

At the North Bay Leadership Council’s housing summit in May, organizers focused on “workforce housing,” rather than homelessness, though many homeless people are in fact part of the workforce.

Zane believes that real estate developers hold the key to more affordable housing. To that end, she held a forum earlier this year for developers to discuss affordable-housing incentives the county might kick their way.

“Every day since I have been meeting with builders and investors to discuss this,” says Zane.

The homeless may be in trouble if county leaders really think profit-minded developers are going to step up. The county has already fought off lawsuits from developers who wanted to turn rent-controlled mobile home parks into market-value condos. Often, developers simply pay “in-lieu” development fees to bypass requirements that they offer affordable units as part of their building projects.

Affordable housing can be expensive to get off the ground—but it’s not nearly as expensive as the accrued costs of not housing people. According to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, the average cost per person of an emergency room visit is $905 a day. For jail, it’s $87 a day; drug detox costs $256 a day.

Affordable housing? That’ll cost a county $31 a day per person.

What’s the human cost of doing nothing about the homeless problem? The average lifespan in the United States is 78. If you’re homeless, it’s 46.

This kind of institutionalized inaction takes a toll on people’s lives and dignity—which only serves to feed stereotypes about homelessness.

“To hear people say ‘pull yourself up from your bootstraps’ when you’ve lost everything you own—well, you don’t have any bootstraps,” says Love. “When you are at the bottom of the barrel, you are seen as dirt.”

There are ways to avoid the social cost. Development often means that rents go up and an unsustainable gap builds between available jobs and available housing. Santa Rosa has responded to this phenomenon through the collection of so-called impact fees. But those fees wind up in the general fund, where they compete with many other uses.

State level efforts have also been ineffective. As David Grabill of the Housing Advocacy Group in Santa Rosa points out, California suffers from a critical absence of resources that would hold local government accountable and mandate requiring that localities identify sites for low-income housing.

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THE VIEW FROM DOWNTOWN

Closer to home, Santa Rosa’s officials emphasized other fiscal priorities. They approved
$17 million to reunify Courthouse Square, but offered nothing on that scale to combat the city’s homeless problem—a problem that often finds its way to the very same area, much to the dismay of business owners and the local Chamber of Commerce.

Mike Montague is a co-owner of the TeeVax appliance store in Santa Rosa’s Railroad Square, an area where homeless people are highly visible. Homelessness, he’s discovered over the years, is more complex than he thought.

“I’ve learned that there are different categories of homeless people,” Montague says. “Some are sincerely struggling”; others he sees as the “willing homeless.” He worries that service providers enable the latter while short-changing the former.

“Between St. Vincent [de Paul], Catholic Charities and the Rescue Mission, it’s easy to be homeless in Santa Rosa,” he says.

Montague believes the services are useful for people who want to get off the street, but he thinks some just don’t want to follow social norms. He’d like to see fewer homeless people (and stronger anti-loitering laws) and better mental-health services for those who remain. “What message does this send to visitors?” Montague asks. “It’s not good.”

Still, Montague does advocate hiring homeless people who have support from social services. “You will be amazed at how appreciative and loyal they will be.”

Others seem less willing to address the crisis. Case in point: Discussions last fall between activists and officials about converting Sutter Hospital into housing for homeless centered on fear that affordable housing would anger the Chanate Road neighborhood’s wealthy constituency.

Such fear was on display in 2013 when Social Advocates for Youth (SAY) unveiled plans for homeless services and assistance to ex-foster youth in Bennett Valley in Santa Rosa. Skillful community organizing mollified neighborhood concerns, but it wasn’t easy.

“We instituted a public outreach program that educated the public about our services,” says SAY executive director Matt Martin. “We spoke at numerous organizations, and we went door to door. But most of all we listened.”

The effort paid off. Thousands of people, including some former neighborhood opponents, supported SAY’s plan.

But not every neighbor needs to be convinced that homeless services won’t ruin the neighborhood. Jacqueline Smith, a mother of two, lives in Santa Rosa’s West End, which has had ongoing struggles with the high population of homeless in the area.

“It’s a societal problem that should not be ignored,” she says. “I don’t think of homeless as ‘them’ and ‘us.’ I have friends who could easily be on the streets. If services are implemented well, it could help my children understand the importance of providing help to those less fortunate.”

While NIMBY concerns may be overstated, the underlying stigma is not. “Many of the concerns came from a lack of understanding of the population,” says Martin.

Still, the stigma and stereotypes that surround the homeless are pervasive. Even service providers can succumb.

“Everyone’s situation is different, but [service providers] see us as one big mass of individuals,” says Love. “During an intake, I was asked, ‘What is your drug of choice?’ Already there was an assumption that I was on drugs. There is an assumption that you have to look, smell and act homeless.”

Epple blames the stigma on accepted cultural narratives around individualism that need to change. “It’s as if because you are mentally ill, you are less deserving of housing,” she says. “The homeless get stuck in the idea that if you work hard you can get what you want—and that if you don’t or can’t, you are lazy and deserve to be poor.”

Love experienced this first-hand when she was homeless. “If I watch TV, they think I’m lazy; if I have a restful Sunday afternoon, they think that I am not trying to find a job. They don’t see how damn hard it is to be homeless. It takes practically everything out of you.”

Councilwoman Combs hopes to combat the stigma by drafting an ordinance that would ban housing discrimination for those with Section 8 vouchers (a common impediment to housing). But she will need the the support of activists and the homeless themselves.

“We are the only ones that really know what it feels like,” says Love. “The homeless themselves have to mobilize, and that can be hard when your self esteem is low.”

TRY A LITTLE DIGNITY

Dignity Village in Portland, Ore., is a city-sanctioned encampment run by and for people without housing. In Eugene, Ore., the city donated an acre of land for small, shed-like housing—also self-governed by residents. Rain City Housing in Vancouver, B.C., operates three no-barrier shelters, where sobriety and following curfews and rules do not come before a person’s right to be safe and sheltered.

Similar ideas have been pitched in Sonoma County. Homeless Action and Camp Michela recently submitted a proposal to the county for a sanctioned encampment. They got no direct reply, but Zane told the Bohemian she wouldn’t support it.

“Nobody is going to be happy about an encampment in their neighborhood,” Zane says, “and I think we should put our funding into permanent solutions.”

But that is years away and something needs to be done now, says Gerry LaLonde-Berg. He speaks to the value of short-term solutions like encampments. If an alternative to living near the creeks was provided, LaLonde-Berg says, “we would give people a safe place to be and improve the environment.”

Not all housing solutions will be locally applicable, and the key question for Sonoma leaders is: Are certain solutions not going to work for the county, or is the county not going to work with certain solutions?

Last February, Homeless Action and Camp Michela co-hosted a film and discussion on homelessness at the Arlene Francis Center. About a hundred people showed up, and many spoke passionately for better conditions, more housing—and more dignity.

One homeless woman who requested anonymity said that “homeless folks like myself have a vision. It may be buried deep inside, but it will emerge under nurturing conditions.”

The question is whether the city and county’s efforts will suffice to nuture those conditions.

Cabby Cab

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In a tasting of several Cabs, I thought it would be clever to roll a blackcurrant berry into the room and ask, which is the Cabbiest of them all? Instead, I just found I liked the atypical 2011 vintage best of all.

The red-fruited favorites from 2011:

Arrowood 2011 Sonoma County Cabernet Sauvignon ($35) Bordeaux enthusiasts can argue among themselves over which “bank” this wine’s better analogue might be, but nobody who enjoys red wine could complain about this Cabernet. There’s sandalwood-style oak, vanilla and raspberry perfume for starters, and then intense, red berry fruit brings the palate home from day one to day two. The 2010, also from a mostly cool vintage, is very similar.

Jordan 2011 Alexander Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($53) You get some herbs, maybe picholine olives on the nose, along with a bit of warm red berries—nothing flashy. Bring it on down the palate, and it checks all the right boxes. Like good restaurant service, this top-selling restaurant wine does its job while you hardly notice how well-constructed it is.

The $20 Values:

Benziger 2012 Sonoma County Cabernet Sauvignon ($20) After-dinner chocolate-mint wafer allied with bay laurel, then German chocolate cake and rich, dark earth. Token tannins grab half-heartedly at the tongue, leaving the finish long and classically crème de cassis–sweet.

Educated Guess 2013 Napa Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($20) The pitted cork is the cheapest thing I’ve seen for days, and the wine had little trouble pushing past it. Still, the brandy–chocolate truffle aroma and blackberry flavor backed by coffee-grounds bitterness make it an economical “cocktail” Cab.

The best of the rest, and the rest:

Frank Family 2012 Napa Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($50) You don’t expect such shyness from a wine Robert Parker called “opulent,” but today the aroma is just an echo. Pleasant licorice and blueberry flavors, though.

Del Carlo 2011 Dry Creek Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($30) On the rustic and eclectic side, this adds baked fig to the usual Cab roster, and is reminiscent of rawhide, olives and used bookstore—all in a good way. Cinnamon candy spices up the juicy palate.

Jackson Estate 2012 Alexander Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($36) You’ll pay for the lush, sticky black fruit flavors by enduring a more aggressive astringency, but with the right grilled foodstuffs, this might be just the ticket.

Murphy-Goode 2012 Alexander Valley Cabernet Sauvignon ($26) Chocolate oak eclair? Goode enough, but the tannins—Goode grief!

Worth the Wait

For 45 years, more questions have surrounded author Harper Lee than answers. After publishing the seminal To Kill a Mockingbird in 1960, Lee became a reclusive figure and never completed another book. Though Mockingbird is still taught in schools and has been read by millions, fans have always wondered if Lee was more than a one-hit literary wonder.

They got the answer this year when it was announced in February that Lee, now 89 years old, would finally publish her long-awaited next novel, Go Set a Watchman. A sequel to Mockingbird, this new release was actually Lee’s original novel. The story goes that Lee’s publisher convinced her to take flashback sequences written in Go Set a Watchman and expand them into what would become the now-classic To Kill a Mockingbird.

Set for release July 14, Go Set a Watchman is one of the most highly anticipated books to come around since teenage wizards and sparkly vampires took over the literary world. For those who just can’t wait, Napa’s Bookmine is holding a release party on the evening of July 13, with a screening of the classic-in-its-own-right 1962 film To Kill a Mockingbird, and a midnight unveiling
of the new novel. The film screens at
9:30pm. 964 Pearl St., Napa. 707.733.3199.

War Was Hell

The new adaptation of Vera Brittain’s memoir Testament of Youth proves one glib rule of filmmaking and disproves another. First, it really is best to start a story as late in the plot as you can. Second, a war movie doesn’t necessarily have to endorse war.

Director James Kent is allowed far more realism than the previous BBC miniseries adaptation of Brittain’s WWI memoir of being a nurse to the wounded. We can see that the conditions in a Western Front field hospital haven’t changed much since the Crimean War; for that matter, a crane shot of casualties laid out on stretchers in a muddy field resembles the similar carnage of the Atlanta depot scene in Gone with the Wind.

Alicia Vikander (Ex Machina) plays Vera, a young lady who yearns to go to Oxford, despite the fact that her family believes education is wasted on women. Vikander plays the role with anachronistic fury—it’s as if she’s surprised by the discrimination against women and hadn’t grown up with it all around her.

Vera sees her loved ones consumed by the war one after another. The decorum of her class makes the story sadder. One never expects upper-class Brits to emit howls of grief, as they do here.

The terrific opening begins with Vera coming out of a fog on the morning of Armistice Day. Her numb horror at the crowd’s screams of joy drive her into an empty church. There, she sees a painting of Noah’s flood, and she imagines herself tumbling in the tide.

The reminder of the price of war also serves as a showcase for young actors. As Edward Brittain, Taron Egerton evokes the loss of an entire generation simply by turning up in an ill-fitting woolen army uniform. It’s too soon to tell if Kit Harington, as Vera’s lover Roland, will go places beyond Game of Thrones. But there is warmth enough between Vikander and Harington to draw in a romance-seeking audience, while those who never heard these stories of wastage before will be pierced quite deeply.

‘Testament of Youth’ opens July 10 at Rialto Cinemas, 6868 McKinley St., Sebastopol. 707.525.4849.

Homewrecker

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And now let us pause to contemplate Richard Blum’s participation in the destruction of the American dream at the hands of a new phenomenon known as the “Wall Street landlord.”

Blum’s wife is Sen. Dianne Feinstein. The California legislator’s latest financial disclosure report, filed with the U.S. Secretary of State on May 15, includes a 2014 Blum Family Partners investment of at least
$1 million in Colony American Homes Holdings.

Blum is the billionaire founder of the private-equity firm Blum Capital Parnters. Colony homes are owned under the umbrella of Colony Capital, one of the largest investment firms in the world.

The senator’s disclosure describes Colony American Homes as a “leading owner and provider of high-quality single-family residences for rental across the United States.”

What it doesn’t say is that the rental stock is made up of foreclosed homes purchased by a handful of investor groups and hedge funds in the aftermath of the 2007–08 financial crisis and real estate crash. The Blackstone Group and Waypoint Homes join Colony Capital in this business, along with American Homes 4 Rent and Silver Bay Realty.

Blum is often identified as a quintessential Democratic Party insider, with ties that run the gamut from Jimmy Carter to the Dalai Lama. His private-equity firm manages about $500 million in assets, and the bulk of the fund’s portfolio is dominated by holdings in CBRE, the world’s largest commercial real estate services firm.

Though Blum has taken pains to deny it, reports say he’s worth at least $1 billion. According to a recent Roll Call survey, Feinstein’s net worth is $45.3 million, which puts her in the top tier of wealthy Washington lawmakers.

Colony American Homes was one of several investor-owned landlords highlighted in a June report from the anti-poverty advocates at the California Reinvestment Coalition (CRC). That study focused on the rise of the Wall Street landlord and its impact on California renters and would-be homeowners.

The verdict from the CRC is that Colony American Homes has not been an especially good landlord: rents are above average, utilities generally aren’t included, and maintenance is poor, at best. Moreover, would-be first-time homeowners in California often find themselves squeezed out by cash-rich corporate buyers like Colony American Homes. Rents are going up, and the landlord is nowhere to be seen.

“Neighborhoods are changing, income diversity is changing, the tenure of residents is changing,” says CRC associate director Kevin Stein, an author of the report. The investor grab of housing stock, he says, “is destabilizing neighborhoods and creating a lot of displacement.”

The CRC survey found that real estate investment trusts, private equity firms and hedge funds have spent $25 billion buying over 150,000 distressed homes around the country since 2012.

“This whole situation is only possible because of a financial crisis that was engineered by Wall Street,” says Stein. “This is investors profiting off of foreclosure.”

What can be done? Stein says Gov. Jerry Brown could “use his bully pulpit to talk about the importance of neighborhood stability, and to acknowledge that there’s extreme gentrification and displacement going on.”

Or Brown could pay back the $331 million he diverted from foreclosure relief for homeowners in 2012 to solve the state budget crisis. The Associated Press reported this week that lawmakers and community groups have called on Brown to repay the money, after a Sacramento judge ruled that he had illegally funneled the foreclosure monies into the state’s general fund.

A May report from the California advocacy group Tenants Together also weighed in on so-called Wall Street landlords. The organization reported that Colony has, to date, purchased more than 2,000 formerly foreclosed properties in California and flipped them into rentals.

Banks help investors do this by converting future rental income on properties into securities, which are then turned back to the investors as loans. “Wall Street has also issued over $8 billion in securities tied to almost 60,000 homes,” some owned by Colony, reports the CRC.

The loans are then used to purchase additional distressed properties, notes CRC. This has conspired to fuel a growing market in investor-purchased single-family homes.

The investor-led push to buy distressed single-family homes, says Stein, means individual buyers often get pushed out of the market. The CRC survey heard from numerous would-be first-time homebuyers, he says, “who could get decent loans but couldn’t successfully bid on properties.”

Nonprofits and developers who want to build affordable housing are often outbid, and local businesspeople, many of them from communities of color, “feel that they are being circumvented. These deals are going around local businesspeople,” says Stein. “There is an issue of the amount that [investors] are bidding and that their offers are in cash.”

Fair Housing of Marin was one of 70 signatories to the CRC report. Over the past few years the North Bay housing nonprofit has identified chronic maintenance failures at bank-owned homes in poor communities.

Fair Housing of Marin Executive Director Caroline Peattie describes a full-circle foreclosure dynamic that hit poorer communities in the North Bay. “Banks targeted communities of color with a disproportionate number of unaffordable subprime loans,” she says. “Those same communities suffered a disproportionate number of foreclosures; the banks then failed to maintain and market those properties; and, finally, banks have been selling foreclosed homes in bulk to investors who care nothing about the property, the tenants who live in those properties, nor the neighborhood.”

Just as Feinstein was putting
the finishing touches on her
May 15 financial disclosure report, Tenants Together released its study, “The New Single-Family Home Renters of California,” on May 12.

The statewide tenants-rights organization found that renters of single-family homes from the three biggest corportate landlords in the state—Blackstone/Invitation Homes, Waypoint Homes and Colony American Homes—”pay higher rents than their neighbors and face challenges getting repairs.”

Those companies together own about 9,500 properties in California, according to Tenants Together.

A scan of available investor-owned properties for sale or rent in the North Bay doesn’t yield many hits—but that may not mean anything, says Stein.

“It could be that there’s more happening than what you see, because some of the sales are happening before anybody even knows a property is available,” he says, “and it’s not known because it has already been sold to Colony.”

Doug Henwood, an economics journalist and author of Wall Street: How It Works and for Whom, says investor-driven home purchases follow the general model of private-equity deals. “They are in it for the short-term, the medium-term,” says Henwood. “They are not in it for the long haul. The incentive is to screw the tenants over completely, minimize repairs and maximize rents.”

The senator’s disclosure report lists the Colony American Homes investment in the section of Feinstein’s “non-publicly traded assets and unearned income sources,” which also includes another Colony distressed-asset fund, Colony American Homes War I, LLC.

According to the report, Blum Family Partners has a $50,000–$100,000 investment in Colony American Homes War I and no reported 2014 income from that investment.

The disclosure form exempts Feinstein from having to provide any further detail on Colony American Homes, since the investment is held independently by Blum. As such, Feinstein didn’t have to indicate anything beyond that the investment eclipsed
$1 million.

No surprise there, says Henwood. “This is entirely consistent with the Democrats. Real estate, and especially urban real estate, is one of the lifebloods of Democratic party financing.”

The investment in Colony American Homes earned Feinstein and Blum between $50,000 and $100,000 in capital gains and interest in 2014, according to the disclosure report.

In contrast, the average down payment for a single-family home in 2014 was $32,000, according to the online real-estate service RealtyTrac.

In response to questions about the investment, Feinstein communication director Tom Mentzer says that “Sen. Feinstein has no involvement in her husband’s business decisions. Her assets are in a blind trust, which has been the case since she arrived in the Senate, and I have no information on her husband’s assets.”

A phone call to Blum Capital Partners was not returned.

Debriefer: July 8, 2015

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FRACKING REGS

Last week California saw the implementation of 2013’s
Senate Bill 4, the state hydraulic fracturing law written by
Sen. Fran Pavley (pictured). Depending on your perspective, SB 4 was either a giveaway to a frack-crazed energy industry or it represents the arrival of the toughest fracking regulations in the country. (The latter determination is according to a Los Angeles Times report on SB 4 from last week.)

Both can be true. The Pavley law was signed by Gov. Jerry Brown after legislative attempts to ban fracking failed.

Anti-frackers charged that Pavley’s bill gave the state oil and gas industry two years of unfettered fracking before the regs kicked in. SB 4 also served to stymie a robust statewide push to ban fracking when it created a set of regs under which the practice can continue. Among its other highlights, fracking involves lots of wasted water, the potential for earthquakes and, possibly, blue flames shooting out your faucet.

NO VIOLATION

Last week several federal agencies wrapped up their investigation of the Andy Lopez shooting. Conclusion: The 13-year-old’s federal civil rights weren’t violated when he was killed by a Sonoma County Sheriff’s deputy in late 2013.

The Lopez family lawyer vowed to press on; a civil rights case against the sheriff’s office is scheduled to hit federal court in April 2016. Arnoldo Casillas argues that even as the sheriff’s office says the feds’ decision endorses its position that there was no violation of Lopez’ civil rights, “the feds confirmed that this was not the case, and that their decision is simply that they will not prosecute deputy Erick Gelhaus under the federal statute.”

Uke-A-Palooza

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Napa’s Oxbow Public Market and Judd’s Hill Winery will present the fifth annual “Uke-A-Palooza,” a night of Polynesian music, food and fun, on July 31 from 6pm to 9pm.

The event will feature a performance on the Oxbow River Deck by good-times Polynesian band the Maikai Gents. The band is headed by Judd Finkelstein himself, second-generation winemaker at Judd’s Hill Winery. Attendees are encouraged to bring their own ukulele and perform. The evening will include a raffle to benefit Voices of Napa. Polynesian-themed merchandise and food will be offered by Oxbow merchants, and Polynesian and vintage beach clothing by Melissa Gruenhagen of Retro Diva. Admission is free.

Oxbow Public Market is located at
610 and 644 First St. in Napa. 707.226.6529. Visit oxbowpublicmarket.com for more info.

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Uke-A-Palooza

Napa's Oxbow Public Market and Judd's Hill Winery will present the fifth annual "Uke-A-Palooza," a night of Polynesian music, food and fun, on July 31 from 6pm to 9pm. The event will feature a performance on the Oxbow River Deck by good-times Polynesian band the Maikai Gents. The band is headed by Judd Finkelstein himself, second-generation winemaker at Judd's Hill...
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