Mac the Life

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The turkey club sandwich is one of the world’s greatest, simplest sandwich inventions, but it’s greatness is only manifested if one key, critical condition is honored—fresh-roasted turkey only, please, and make sure the bacon is extra crispy.

Don’t worry if it’s too dry for most—I like it dry, just like Elwood Blues. I’ll apply the mayonnaise myself, thanks—you just make sure the cole slaw is fresh and light and not too creamy, and that the attendant pickle spear is crisp and cool.

That sandwich, and everything else about the place, scores big at the go-to downtown breakfast-and-lunch joint, Mac’s Kosher Style Deli & Cafe, the Fourth Street institution in Santa Rosa whose legendary and beloved owner, Iraj Soltani, died in January, to much sadness and remembrances from customers.

The deli-cafe has been in business since 1952 and is open every day but Sunday, with a warm and inviting bustle that never gets tired or nerve-jangling, even when you have to wait for a table—and you never have to wait too long. There’s always a pile of reading material.

The menu is long but not ridiculous in its reach. Mac’s is not a standard-issue diner, but an authentic old-timey deli, so there are no obligatory attempts at globe-trotting dishes for all palates or high-end offerings like big fancy chunks of steak for $26 and your choice of a potato or fries. There are no fragrant pasta dishes or gyros—just a big list of sandwiches, a heaping of standard salads, and offerings that run the gamut from simple burgers to a mother of all kosher-style sandies, corned beef, tongue, chopped chicken liver and onions. You want an avocado on that burger? Of course you can get it.

I like to go to Mac’s toward the end of the lunch rush when there’s still a bustle but usually not a wait, grab a booth if one’s available and fly solo in style, slumped down in the booth with the paper and a cuppa coffee. I’ll scan the menu a while and then order one of five things, regardless of how long the scanning goes on. For me, it begins and ends at Mac’s with a burger, a patty melt, a pastrami sandwich, the turkey club or some bacon and eggs. The verdict: solid; awesome; perfect; decadent; no frills, but it comes with toast and home fries.

The other day I ordered that turkey club with a side of cole slaw, a huge heaping mound of the stuff. The turkey is indeed fresh-roasted, and the brown and leathery wings and legs wind up in a big bowl in the front counter.

I sat at the last seat at the counter elbow-to-elbow with other diners, with a view straight into the kitchen, and we massed diners of the simple and the solid fare peered at headlines in the Chronicle or Press Democrat, or made strange grunting sounds hovered over the latest Bohemian.

The sandwich arrived—but weirdly, it was only half a sandwich. The waitress promised, with apologies, that the other half was coming right up. Another waitress filled my water glass. Another asked how I was doing today. Pretty good. The second half of the sandwich arrived and I almost cracked a tooth on the extra-crisp bacon—just the way I like it.

Mac’s Deli & Cafe, 630 Fourth St., Santa Rosa. 707. 545.3785.

Letters to the Editor: February 22, 2016

Trees vs. Trump

I am relieved to see Will Parrish addressing the logging issue again in California (“Downstream,” Feb. 15). Increased logging will be a disaster given the flooding we are experiencing. We are afraid that Northern California will be highly susceptible to Trump’s aggressive, industrial-era backward steps toward what he calls economic revitalization. Luckily, I think the antagonistic, independent-minded Gov. Brown is on our side in this fight. Trump will do nothing but recreate the timber wars that pitted citizen against citizen, just as he is doing on an international and national scale. Trump hates California, but knows that we have the sixth largest economy in the world and he will do everything he can to get a piece of it for himself. Good luck and thank you, Mr. Parrish.

Santa Rosa

Don’t Trust Them

The passage of Measure A will result in more pot being grown in the county on ever-larger factory farms, more exposure of our children to this dangerous drug and more crime in the county as most pot growers are forced deeper underground. It will weaken the local economy, send our money to out-of-state corporate interests, and make CBD, the only effective epilepsy medicine, harder to get.

Passage of Measure A will give the empire-building county more of our money to rescue their pensions, pay for more bureaucratic bloat and more law enforcement to fight an increase in prohibition-driven crime (as opposed to pot-driven crime), and spend on anything else they want.

Voters rightly rejected other general fund tax measures like the so-called road-repair tax in 2015. The county is up to the same misleading tricks again—rushing into spending $400,000 on a no-opposition-statement election designed to circumvent the two-thirds-majority rule. Has anything changed so we can now trust them to spend those “tax revenues” the way they promise? Nothing I can see. Make sure you vote, and make sure you vote no.

Santa Rosa

The Truth

Since Donald Trump hates the media so much, I suggest he create his own Trumpian newspaper to be modeled after Pravda, the official publication of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which translates as “the Truth.” Then he can rail against the press all he wants, and force government employees and members of the armed services to subscribe to his own personal propaganda. Perhaps he can encourage Brietbart news to support this venture.

The media is called the fourth branch of government for a reason. It is part of ensuring that we can maintain a democracy, since it deals in offering facts and analysis to the citizenry so they can come to their own conclusions.

Kentfield

Write to us at le*****@******an.com.

Dam It

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The Oroville Dam mess is going to be a gully washer for the poor folks in the Central Valley and possibly as far south as L.A., when the agricultural and water-consumption consequences are factored in. How did we get into this situation?

The state and dam authorities were warned about maintenance issues with the Oroville Dam in 2005. One report stated that
“[t]he Water Quality, Supply, and Infrastructure Improvement Act of 2014 set aside $395 million for flood management, but to date has not allocated any of it to actual repairs or projects, raising questions about where the money currently sits and what it has been used for since 2014.”

A little more history: Gov. Jerry Brown’s father, Edmund, sold bonds for the dam to the California people in 1959 saying that the Oroville Dam could be built for $1.5 billion. It ultimately cost $3 billion—$20 billion in today’s inflated dollars. And now this is California’s part of the deteriorating U.S. infrastructure the people get stuck with.

Let us now contrast that lack of funding for crumbling infrastructure to the abundance of funding for the U.S. military. Is everyone feeling safer by spending $1 trillion–plus per year on the military? I have to ask, when America’s military budget exceeds
all other countries on the planet combined. Just asking. Here’s
a link to a visual of what $1 trillion looks like (preview hint: a stack
of $100 bills worth $1 million can fit into a paper grocery bag):
www.globalresearch.ca/what-does-one-trillion-dollars-look-like/12754.

When I worked at one of the national Department of Energy labs in the 1980s (I worked at all four in the Bay Area for over 10 years), I became aware that the budget for the Department of Defense at that time was about $300 billion a year. I took out my handy-dandy calculator, and it worked out to spending $10,000 per second. And that was neglecting the budget of the DOE under which the National Labs are paid and the so-called black budgets. So I’ve had to update my calculations to the current $1 trillion–plus per year and it now works out to $30,000 per second.

As I left my musical friends last night, Lenny left me with the verse, “And who’s going to fix the goddamn dam?” Doo da.

Chris Wilder lives in Cloverdale and is a former contractor at Bay Area U.S. Department of Energy labs. He currently works as a tutor.

We welcome your contribution. To have your topical essay of 350 words considered for publication, write op*****@******an.com.

Catching On

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Giant columns of smoke are the first images in the 2015 documentary Catching the Sun, which shows raw video from an explosion at the Chevron Refinery in Richmond. It’s an ominous opening to an otherwise encouraging film about those working toward a cleaner, more sustainable source of energy: solar power.

This weekend, Catching the Sun screens as part of the Social Action Goes to the Movies series at Congregation Shomrei Torah in Santa Rosa. The annual series is co-sponsored by 20 local synagogues, churches and community groups, and the theme this year is “Sparks of Hope.”

Following a cast of characters in Richmond, as well as other sites in the United States and China, Catching the Sun is a story of environmental and economic hope. With the cost of producing solar panels down some 80 percent in the last five years, solar power has a great opportunity to grow, and there are those who believe it will be the dominant power source within 25 years.

The film introduces us to a Chinese solar entrepreneur, a Southern Tea Party solar advocate and Oakland activist Van Jones, whose 2008 book, The Green Collar Economy, details how this new industry provides an opportunity to solve socioeconomic issues like unemployment. These individuals have different motives, yet they all agree on one thing: solar power is the answer.

Local groups working on solar power will be on hand before and after the film to offer information. A panel discussion will also follow the film, featuring Geoffrey D. Smith, coordinator at Solar Sonoma County, a program of the Center for Climate Protection; Laura Goldman, educator, consultant and VP of Solar Works; Tor Allen, executive director at research and educational organization the Rahus Institute; and Alana Macken from the Center for Climate Protection’s youth advisory board.

‘Catching the Sun’ screens on Saturday, Feb. 25, at Congregation Shomrei Torah, 2600 Bennett Valley Road, Santa Rosa. 7pm. Free, donations accepted. 707.578.5519.

Barley Legal

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‘How curious,” I say to myself, sniffing a four-ounce sampler of Azacca rye IPA at Grav South. “Another beer with that sweet, smoky hop profile!” That’s when I remember that the first thing I said when I sat down at the bar was “Say, what’s that sweet, smoky smell?”

It is not a revelatory aromatic experience I’m having with some smoky new hop variety, but the fact that smoke from slow-cooked pork on the patio out back has seeped into the cavernous tap room.

All but hidden in a corner of a battleship-gray strip mall, Grav South only recently won approval for signage out front, I’m told at the bar, and while it’s well that last call is called after the tactical paintball shop next door has closed, the city has enjoined them to shutter at 9pm, reportedly to avoid “the crawl.” News to me that there’s active bar crawl in this sector, until I remember that I’m not in Rohnert Park, but in Cotati. Again, is it the beer?

Good thing they’ve got a kitchen, albeit no deep fryer, ergo no fries. Smoked pork adds smoky meatiness to nachos ($8) and pork sliders ($10). Sandwiches, chili and cheesy rollups round out the menu, with vegan-option guacamole and chips, which I would have done well to have ordered, because even a sampler ($7) is having that winter warmer effect.

I must not be the beer geek I pretend to be, thoughtfully sniffing and scribbling in my notebook at the bar, because I don’t savvy why the 20×20 double IPA, at 8.6 percent ABV (alcohol by volume) and a century of IBU (international bittering units) is sweeter and more mild and less than double the strength of the dry, hoppy 7.6 percent and 85 IBU
7 Figure IPA.

But it’s beer of a lesser bittering unit that brings me here. If there’s a cloud in the sky bigger than a cotton ball, it’s not a tutti-frutti hop bomb I want, but a strong, malty Scotch ale, and Grav South’s version hits the spot, aye, captain. Though the molasses aroma and candy-apple flavor make me think of Aberlour single malt with a dark abbey ale chaser, the rich brew finishes cool and not too sweet.

A brewpub staple of ye olde 1990s, sweet, malty barley wine has since flagged in popularity, but Grav South’s American barley wine is a house favorite for its dry, not-so-winey, all-too-easy drinkability. Too olde-English style? Try the Irish red, due for a
St. Patrick’s Day release on March 17.

Grav South Brew Co., 7950 Redwood Drive, Ste. 15, Cotati. Open Tuesday–Sunday, 11:30am–9pm. 707.753.4198.

The Watchdog

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Jerry Threet’s desk is overflowing with papers and files, and right on the top of the inbox is a print-out of a story from the Washington Examiner that ran a couple of weeks ago. The article told of how Sonoma County sheriff Steve Freitas was one of six California sheriffs who attended a recent meeting in Washington, D.C., with United States Attorney General Jeff Sessions, no friend of undocumented immigrants.

The story raised eyebrows and questions around the county, with its outsized population of the undocumented and Trump’s big deportation push right out of the gate. At the center of it all in Sonoma County is Threet, who’s just about to finish his first year as director of the county’s new Independent Office of Law Enforcement Review and Outreach (IOLERO), created in the aftermath of the 2013 shooting of teenager Andy Lopez by a sheriff’s deputy.

We met recently at his office on County Center Drive on two separate occasions, and I asked Threet, a former San Francisco city attorney, to talk about his first year on the job—the biggest challenges and surprises and impressions he has of policing in Sonoma County, what works, what doesn’t and what’s he doing about it. Questions and answers have been edited for clarity.

Bohemian: What are the basic functions of your job, and how do you respond to a criticism or a perception that’s been leveled at the IOLERO that its biases are with the community over the sheriff’s department?

Jerry Threet: We do work with the sheriff’s office, and we have to. It’s part of the charge of the office to bridge the gaps that people perceive between certain communities and the sheriff, but primarily we’re here to serve the community. If folks have complaints about deputies, we’re there as an extra set of eyes, independent of the sheriff’s office, to give the community assurances that these investigations are being done appropriately. We also take complaints here.

We know people feel uncomfortable, for a lot of reasons, and some of that has to do with this immigration order that we’re looking at now, if they come here now. You can file a complaint here, and I think that provides a level of comfort, and also helps with the process, helps to get everything that’s relevant in the complaint. And that function has to be a neutral function—the obligation there is to the truth of what happened, not to the deputies, not to the community, but to the truth. And I think that’s really where you get the confidence—sometimes maybe you’re saying that this [arrest] wasn’t done correctly, and we disagree with the sheriff’s conclusions, and sometimes you say, “Well, yeah, they did do it correctly, and the complainant is not correct on the facts,” and that’s not a surprising thing because if you think about these encounters, they are really stressful encounters. And the memory that folks have of stressful encounters is not really great in recall.

Are there particular challenges for Sonoma County, given its size, the various communities that SCSO is responsible for, and any particulars of staffing at the sheriff’s department?

There’s undeniably a problem around that, and the issue there is staffing. If you look at the staffing of the county for the deputies on each shift, it requires that there be one deputy per car, and usually that’s the only deputy that’s going to respond to a call for service; particularly in some of the districts, the calls for service can be a wide distance from each other. So even getting to a call for service can take a really long time, and that deputy is out there on [his] own, [he] can’t really expect backup for a long time if something goes wrong. It makes it difficult to get to know community members when they are living in a rural setting on large parcels of land far apart from each other, and there’s less of a central community, a center where people gather and interact with one another—those are all challenges for the sheriff’s department.

What are the ways that you work with these realities and seek to improve policing in the county?

I do think that a greater community-oriented focus would be helpful for the sheriff’s department, and for communities in particular in those unincorporated parts of the county that are more dense. One of those is the Moorland-Roseland area, and the other is the Springs. Those also happen to be the areas where there are significant Latino and immigrant communities, which have their own unique challenges for the department. So I think it would make sense to put in place, and I’m advocating for, pilot programs in community policing for those two areas. There are some grant opportunities coming up in a two-year cycle, that come from the state in 2018, and I’m trying to put together a team to put together a package for that. That’s something that would require partnering with community groups in those areas, which I think would be a win-win all the way around.

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There was an incident at a home in Boyes Hot Springs last year involving a Deputy Scott Thorne and two other officers. What might have been done differently to avoid this outcome: a domestic-abuse call from a neighbor that ended with a guy getting Tased in his bed by Thorne, who then left the force and was charged with felony assault. As I understand it, the officer didn’t have any civil-service protections. Do you see any way that community policing or some other sheriff’s office policy might have prevented this outcome?

I don’t know enough about all the details of what unfolded to know whether if they had more knowledge of who they were—even with community oriented policing, where you have pretty robust staffing, you’re going to have lots of encounters where you are going to have no idea who these people are or how they got there. So it’s pretty speculative whether that could have changed something. Certainly you’re correct that that deputy, as I understand it, did not have civil-service protections yet, and certainly, without those protections, it’s easy for someone to be let go. I don’t know that he was let go. He could have resigned. All I know is that he is no longer working for the sheriff’s department at this point.

I actually credit the way that they handled that situation. I just don’t know, for example, whether he was told that you’re dismissed or was told that we’re investigating this and you have an opportunity to resign, and perhaps he resigned. Things can happen different ways. This is coming to me after the investigation is complete, after they’ve done the review. So I haven’t seen the videos, I haven’t seen the investigation released. What I do know about it is what has been reported to the press. I will know more details when I review it myself—then I can make a call about it.

One thing that is interesting about it—when the case goes over to criminal investigation, the reasons for him being criminally investigated and the referral can be talked about, in that context. [But] within the context of an administrative investigation, they can’t talk about it. So you still have an investigation ongoing criminally, as I understand it, by the DA of the other two officers. Presumably, she will make a determination soon about that. The administrative investigation is still going on as far as I understand it, and when they reach a conclusion, I’ll get that and I’ll have an opportunity to look at it carefully. And it is three officers, and they are somehow each involved in the incident and each one of them will have their own analysis.

Is anything happening at the federal level under Trump that is giving pause, worry—and how are you addressing the whole threat of renewed ICE crackdowns?

Our Community Advisory Committee made a couple of recommendations. One, the county board should push legislators to support SB 54, the statewide sanctuary bill. And the sheriff’s office should change its policies to only cooperate in any way with ICE when it involves an immigrant involved in a serious and violent felony.

Even if the state declares itself a sanctuary, there’s still federal immigration law and local law enforcement with questions about how to work within that framework.

I think that’s one reason SB 54 is interesting: it takes the conflict out of the hands of the sheriff and supervisors, and makes the decision for everyone. And there’s some real tension around that issue, you know, in every county. My own personal view of it is the government code does give the board of supervisors supervisorial authority over sheriffs, and that it’s rarely exercised.

Is the problem for local law enforcement one of, how do you create carve-outs for particular crimes committed by immigrants so they don’t get deported for stealing a pack of gum?

Nobody is saying that the sheriff’s department or law enforcement shouldn’t enforce the criminal laws; the question is whether they should be assisting in civil immigration laws. That’s a different question. And if you look at the Trump order that came out, the criteria for enforcement practically covers everything at this point. It’s not about crime. The [federal] enforcement priorities have nothing to do with crime. They include crime and they also include whether a single immigration officer thinks, if you are a risk to the country, they get to summarily deport you, put you over the border. I think all those priorities are totally within [Trump’s] purview to set up. There are other areas that are unconstitutional. And he doesn’t have the right to force localities to do it for him.

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Some commenters on the Press Democrat‘s story about the Freitas visit with Sessions really seem to have it in for you—I was kind of surprised at the one-sided comment stream that was almost entirely pro-Freitas. The gist of the comments is: you have a bias, this is a waste of taxpayer money, why do we need this. And there are those who point out that this office and your job here in Sonoma County only came about as the result of a single incident, the Andy Lopez shooting.

I don’t spend a lot of time reading those comments because, as far as I’m concerned, those are people who are too cowardly to come out to a public meeting and make their comments in public, so the public can see who they are and what they represent. That being said, the way I tried to set up our Community Advisory Council, and the way I handle these things, is I go out to meetings of every group that likes to hear about what we do. I went out to the [Sonoma County] Taxpayers Association. They are not a liberal sort of huggy group. They were pretty skeptical about the reasons for our office. And I go out there and I answer the questions, and I try to actually get some more information out there about what we are doing and why.

With the CAC, I have made every effort to have that group represent the broad spectrum of the county, including ideologies that nobody would say are “progressive” or “lefty” or “out to get the police.” It is the nature of something like this, that people who have more concerns in this area are going to be the people who are more likely to apply for those positions, so I do agree that it is somewhat skewed as far as its perspective, and I’ve tried really hard to get some people that have more of a sympathetic viewpoint to law enforcement on that body, and I would welcome folks to apply to that. I welcome that perspective. There’s just an inability or unwillingness to grapple with a person who has a different point of view than you do, it’s characteristic of leftward leaning people, it’s on both sides of the issue, and I think that’s why we have some much division in this country. Politics has become a blood sport.

How would you characterize your relationship with Sheriff Freitas?

I feel like we have a pretty good relationship, actually. I don’t see it as adversarial in nature. I think that sometimes, given that part of my charge is to look at policies and see if they might better serve the community, I think that’s part of the sheriff’s charge too, to serve the community. But probably the area where there is some tension is something like our Community Advisory Council, which is more oriented toward the community than they are toward the public safety mission of the sheriff’s office. Community members may be less oriented to the public safety model. And, frankly, there are just some folks in the community who don’t think there should be a policing function in our county or our society, and there is one. I don’t happen to share that perspective. I think there is a place for policing, and the way I see this, I’m trying to work with everybody and trying to make recommendations that would improve that model.

How about interactions with rank-and-file deputies? Any characterizing encounters?

I have regular interactions with certain members of the staff, and I have great relations with those folks. On a more limited basis, I’ve had interactions with the line-staff deputies. I’ve been through multiple trainings where I sit with the deputies and have the same training that they have. I’d say that as a general matter—and I’ve shared these conversations with other folks who have the same kind of job I have—there’s probably a look askance, skepticism about who is this guy, why is he here, probably some suspicion that we might be critical or out to get a deputy or something like that. And part of my job is to try and calm those types of fears and concerns, because I’m not out to “get” any deputy—that’s not what this job is about. It’s about providing some kind of confidence to the public, who sometimes have the same skepticism the deputies have—that things are being done in a way that’s transparent and appropriate.

You’ve been on this job for about a year. Is there anything where, “I thought this going in—and now I think this,” any surprises?

I’m not going to say this is a surprise, but my experience going out and talking to folks in the immigrant community has given me a much, much fuller understanding of the layers of alienation of that community, from the general community of Sonoma County and the district that they bring to interacting on many different levels with government here, including law enforcement. When I’ve heard stories from 15, 20 years ago of how they experienced local law enforcement—those are pretty negative stories that they tell, and those are still with the families. So that’s a real kind of a family-system barrier or cultural barrier that’s there that I hadn’t fully grappled with or thought through before really going out and talking with people. And knowing it’s there and knowing where it comes from, it’s not that long ago and I think it’s understandable that they have a certain skepticism today.

And you really have to kind of address it where it is. That did happen, and things are changing. And I think it’s also important for law enforcement to understand that, because if you’re facing that in a community and you have one incident or something goes wrong, that just freshens up those experiences all over again and kind of confirms those things for those folks, so you have to be even more proactive if something goes wrong, reach out even more, knowing that this is the history that people are bringing.

That’s kind of a familiar theme in vulnerable communities: how many generations does it take to undo damage and mistrust that goes back decades?

We [recently] had 50 immigrant parents who showed up in Springs, and deputies were able to sit down in circles with these folks, talk about how they do their job. There was a palpable feeling that people were eager to talk to law enforcement. One of the questions was, “Why did you come here?” One fellow said, “I’ve been here 30 years and it’s always been out there that there’s some possibility that I could get deported, but it was a remote possibility. It doesn’t feel remote anymore; they’re going after everybody for any reason.” And he said, “I’m terrified about ICE coming.” But he also said, “You’re local law enforcement, you’re there to protect me, I want to get to know you, I want you to know who I am.” That’s the kind of interactions that were happening. And the deputies were really welcoming and open to that conversation and trying to reassure folks that they are not here to pick them up or take them to ICE or anything like that.

‘Hand’ Up

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Punch and Judy, Triumph the Insult Comic Dog, Trekkie Monster (along with other foul-mouthed, porn-surfing residents of Avenue Q), and those randy marionettes from Team America: to this list of celebrated, envelope-pushing puppets, add Tyrone, the hilariously demonic sock puppet who rules over Robert Askins’ remarkable stage play Hand to God (Berkeley Repertory Theatre).

Blending arch one-liners, expert slapstick and shocking (but funny) acts of violence with outrageously pointed observations about faith, guilt, parenthood and the notions of good and evil, Hand to God is not the first show to feature puppets saying and doing bad things. But as written by Askins, this hard-to-describe comedy-drama—a 2015 Tony nominee for best new play—always feels fresh and inventive, even a bit transgressive in its willingness to go places very few puppet-shows have ever dared to go.

Directed with spot-on precision by David Ivers, Hand to God is set in a small-town Texas church, where a troubled, sweet-spirited teenager named Jason (brilliantly played by Michael Doherty) attends a youth ministry club—that focuses on puppets—run by his recently widowed mother, Margery (Laura Odeh, perfection). Also in the club are the gentle but resourceful Jessica (Carolina Sanchez, wonderful) and Timothy (an excellent Michael McIntire), a confrontational teen punk with a serious case of the hots for Jason’s mom.

Hoping that a church project might help snap Margery out of her grief, pastor Greg (a first-rate David Kelly) has basically forced the puppet club on her. All hell breaks loose, literally, when Jason’s puppet, Tyrone, begins exhibiting strong antisocial behavior, dropping f-bombs and brutally escalating observations about Jason, his mother, and the other basement-dwelling “Christ-keteers.”

These outbursts begin gradually, with Tyrone tagging inappropriately sexual comments onto a performance of the famous “Who’s on first?” routine, occasionally reciting vaguely threatening facts: “The smallest of cuts to the Achilles tendon will cripple a man for life!” Before long, though, Jason has to accept the fact that his id-driven puppet just might be Lucifer himself.

As Jason/Tyrone, Doherty is a marvel, pivoting between characters with breathtaking speed and precision. The play goes to some dark places, but the brilliant script and cast never lose their sense of humor and heart, or the story’s commitment to the idea that the things we loathe and fear the most might be closer to home than we prefer to imagine.

Rating (out of 5): ★★★★½

Get Down

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Things have never been better for Santa Rosa indie band the Down House. Especially considering the band’s ill-fated first gig.

Guitarist and vocalist Casey Colby formed the darkly new wave–inspired post-punk band with his partner, guitarist Sarah Davis, in 2013. “We booked our first show before we wrote any songs or anything,” Colby laughs. Undaunted, the pair scraped together a set that covered musical influences like Echo & the Bunnymen. “All our amps fell apart, it was terrible,” he says. “But you knew it could only get better.”

Things did get better. Over the last four years, the Down House have caught a lot of attention for their addictively rhythmic rock and roll singles and 7-inch splits with other bands, culminating in this weekend’s unveiling of the band’s first proper full-length album, Our Mess, via San Francisco label Broke Hatrè.

If you want to hear it, though, you’ll need your trusty tape player, as Our Mess is being released on cassette only.

“As much as I love vinyl, I have more fun when I can go about things a little faster,” says Colby. The problem with the recent resurgence of vinyl records in the last decade is that they take time to press. In addition, major label acts like Taylor Swift want to release vinyl to their masses, meaning independent bands like the Down House are left on the waiting list as the too-few pressing plants get more and more backlogged.

The good news is that you can still get a good, working tape player at Goodwill for about 5 bucks. “Tapes are really inexpensive. Our tapes took less than three weeks to make, packaging included, which is awesome,” says Colby. “I think [tapes] are definitely a DIY necessity.”

Colby also acknowledges the novelty aspect of cassette tapes is stronger than ever for the generation who grew up buying them at Sam Goody stores. “We come from the dark era of vinyl—like, I never wanted Blink-182 on vinyl,” he laughs.

The band’s current lineup includes drummer Connor Alfaro (OVVN), keyboardist Anthony Killian (Spirits of Leo), guitarist Derek Nielsen (the Illumignarly) and bassist James Ryall (Brown Bags) backing Colby and Davis.

Our Mess sees the band adding several layers of atmospheric guitars and mixing up their dark and droning punk sounds with psychedelic splashes and new instruments, such as tambourine and trumpets. Still, the band keeps the heaviness intact. Our Mess is the Down House’s biggest, most emotionally charged and most electrifying record yet.

No Way on ‘A’

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I was horrified to see that there is no argument against Sonoma County’s proposed cannabis tax published in the voter pamphlet for the March 7 special election. I cannot believe that the cannabis industry was not organized enough to oppose such a harsh taxation measure.

Some form of tax is inevitable. So why am I so adamant that this tax is the wrong approach at best and an industry killer at worst? First, the county claims that this tax is for the industry to pay its “fair share.” Then why is the tax being framed as a general tax, which would put the revenue into the general fund where it could be used for any purpose? If the point is for the industry to pay its own way, then putting the cannabis tax money into the general fund defeats this purpose.

The reason is obvious. The county is trying to do an end run around the requirement that a special tax get two-thirds approval from the voters. So if the county actually only used the money to enforce the new cannabis ordinance, that would be a special tax. If history is any guide, the money will go somewhere else.

Second, the tax will be a backbreaker. Have those who decided to remain silent even read the new ordinance? The requirements to get a county permit are onerous and expensive. Shunting growers onto incredibly expensive land was bad enough. But the county will require everything from carbon credits to ADA bathrooms to get a permit. I estimate the cost of compliance will likely be hundreds of thousands of dollars. Now add this tax on top!

The county will be allowed to tax up to 10 percent of gross. For many businesses, that can easily be 50 percent of net. Yes, I am aware that the county, in its generosity, is only proposing 5 percent on manufacturers and up to $18.75 per square foot for growers right now. But if a grower has a 10,000-square-foot facility and is subject to the $18.75 rate, that will mean an extra $187,500 in taxes on top of the hundreds of thousands it took to get the permit. Who will pay this extra amount? Patients will only bear so much.

Prices for cannabis are coming down in states that have legalized. Margins are getting thinner. Yet Sonoma County’s approach is to push everyone onto million dollar–plus properties, require hundreds of thousands of dollars to be spent on licensing and then skim any potential for profit off in taxes. While the industry might be able to bear one of those, all three will be an industry killer.

I think the tax will pass. The result? The small (legal) cannabis industry will be owned by the very rich. Everyone else will have to quit, leave or go underground. It didn’t have to be this way.

Ben Adams is a local attorney who concentrates his practice on cannabis compliance and defense.

Legacy in Song

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Based in Santa Rosa, Heiress Productions keeps the stories of the African slave experience alive, and honors the descendants of that dark period of American history through performances and services that promote healing, empowerment and solidarity.

In honor of Black History Month, Heiress’ popular show, The Spirit of Us, returns for another year of emotionally charged music and expressive performance on Sunday,
Feb. 26, at Luther Burbank Center for the Arts.

Written and directed by North Bay theologian, author, playwright and songwriter Jacqueline Lawrence, The Spirit of Us features the Heiress Choral Group capturing the African-American experience through a wide range of music, including spirituals, gospel, blues, jazz, folk and and hip-hop.

Throughout, the showcase pulsates with a rhythmic energy that speaks to both the sorrows of the enslaved and to the hope for redemption by those who carry that legacy in their hearts and minds today.

The Spirit of Us is performed on Sunday, Feb. 26, in the east auditorium at
the Luther Burbank Center for the Arts,
50 Mark West Springs Road, Santa Rosa. 2pm; pre-show reception at 1pm. $30
general admission; $40 VIP. 707.546.3600.
—Charlie Swanson

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Legacy in Song

Based in Santa Rosa, Heiress Productions keeps the stories of the African slave experience alive, and honors the descendants of that dark period of American history through performances and services that promote healing, empowerment and solidarity. In honor of Black History Month, Heiress' popular show, The Spirit of Us, returns for another year of emotionally charged music and expressive performance...
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